CHAPTER XIII AN ANTI-REVOLUTIONARY EPISODE THE Republic of Panama was scarcely a year old when it was first called upon to determine the fundamental question whether it should have a stable and constitutional civil government, or should, after the fashion of some neighbouring states, be subject to military revolutions. At the beginning of the Republic's life the former choice was made. Instead of forming a military government, a government of civilians was organised. For President was chosen not a general of the army, but the leading physician of Panama; for First Designate the foremost lawyer and jurist; and so on all through the Cabinet. It was, in a measure, a coalition government, comprising men of all parties. But in time, as already related, party antagonisms were developed, both in and out of the government. The Liberals believed themselves to be in the majority in the country at large, but were in the minority in the government. Agitation therefore arose, in public prints and speeches and in addresses to the President, for a reorganisation of the government, and especially for the removal from the Cabinet of Tomas Arias, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and War, and of Nicolas Victoria, the Minister of Public Instruction and Justice. At last, failing to effect their end by other means, the opposition leaderslargely the friends and partisans of Belisario Porras, of whom I shall speak more at length, in another chaptersought and secured the coöperation of Esteban Huertas, the commander-in-chief of the army. Now, General Huertas was the idol of the army. He was highly esteemed by the general public for his very important services in the revolution of November 3, 1903. He was, moreover, a man of decided ability, and of peculiarly attractive and engaging ESTEBAN HUERTAS 239 personality. I trust I shall not offend, however, in saying that he was too much flattered by not altogether disinterested friends. It is not good to tell a man, and especially a young man, that henceforth Washington and Napoleon must be ranked second to him. Matters approached a crisis on October 29, when, under date of the preceding day, General Huertas sent to President Amador a letter couched in the most extraordinary terms, commingling almost inconceivable egotism, extravagant affection for the President whom he was trying to bully, and bitter hatred of the two Ministers already mentioned. As a curiosity of correspondence I must quote the letter in full, with a few italicised passages of my own marking. Here it is: "DR. MANUEL AMADOR GUERRERO, (Confidential.) Esteemed Companion and Friend: I have thought much and deeply before sending you the present lines. They do not, then, embody an accusation, but an explanation and a sane statement of what it has become necessary to carry into effect if we do not wish that History should set a stigma upon our acts and on our names. You and I, joined by indissoluble bonds of honest methods, together formed the Isthmian Fatherland. Now it remains for us to maintain and improve it. Even at the risk of our lives must we uphold it. Do not let us separate, Doctor; let us continue united in the same work which we have taken up. My acts may be separate from all your civil authority, but your civil authority will be always upheld by the unquestionable loyalty of the Army. We are in truth the fathers of the Isthmian people. Let us show by our acts our wisdom and probity. Let us give heed to the errors which are pointed out to us by the opposition; correct the vices and support the Administrative Edifice with an honourable personnel, which will shed lustre upon the country, which notwithstanding its youth, suffers tortures already from a choking iron collar. Neither you nor I are disliked by the people. I have sounded all hearts, and I can assure you that none contains rancour; that which they hold is sentiment and the desire to see affairs move forward in a clear way. And this is most natural. A great portion of the people, among whom exist brave elements which can apportion splendour and wealth to this beloved Fatherland, because it possesses vast resources, find themselves removed from the direction of Public Affairs in order that rapacious spirits, which gobble up everything, may be sustained in office to the disgrace of the National dignity and to your disgrace as Chief Magistrate and to my disgrace as faithful Executor of the Divine Will coöperating with you in the formation of our Nation. We must find sane elements, Doctor, we must not surround ourselves with enemies. We must consider that the interests of all are more precious than the interests of those favoured ones who, fully counted, do not number THREE. It matters not what those two may suffer so that the Nation may save itself from the sorrowful road upon which it moves. Let us mutually work together to restore order, dignity, and honour in all that relates to our nation and to our life. Let us make a holocaust if possible of all that is most precious to us, in order to make sure, when God wills, the happiness of this land for its children. Let us cast away from us the impure rubbish which surrounds us. May our acts of morality shine with splendour from our period of life and power. In fact, Doctor, I am resolved that when History analyses my deeds, it will be said without circumlocution or illusion, that notwithstanding my immense sum of power I was a GOOD man and that I worked tenaciously to gain such a name. In the name, then, of these sentiments, springing from the bottom of my heart, I beg of you, my friend, to be good, as I intend to be. Observe, Doctor, that all delay in excusing the evil which to-day affects the country will only diminish our honour and affect above all the moral and material honour with which God and man have invested us. You are, I judge, an honourable man, and, with a wellfounded reputation as a great reasoner, I am confident that you will stand by me to make great the Nation which we have formed, so I infer that you will not wish that I alone, with my weak soldiers, shall take up the labour alone. But, if it be necessary that the step shall be taken by my deficient force, I shall do so without hesitation, or die in the attempt. So, then, Companion and Friend, let us work together, let us clear the way of all obstruction and confide in God and AN AMAZING LETTER 241 in this people, who, with reason, show themselves cold; with our firm propositions of grandeur and prosperity let us offer them our help. In virtue of the above I reiterate to you, that which I said at night, viva voce, and that which I said in the conference we had to-day. In order that you may better meditate upon it I have written these lines, a genuine exposition of my way of thinking, so that if the necessity which they set forth arises, you can judge me impartially. I possess copious testimony which I do not care to publish, of what has been plotted against me during my absence; but as it concerns me, only, personally, I cross my arms and let them do what they wish, when they wish. To-day it is different; the future of our country is involved and I cannot see, with indifference, its ruin without raising a preventing hand. Therefore I recommend and I demand the removal of Don Tomas Arias and Don Nicolas Victoria J., who by their methods are affecting the country's interests; lessening your authority and mine, and accumulating the hate of the people upon us, with grave detriment to our National and personal dignity. By right, by reason, and in justice, all cannot be sacrificed to a part. Let it be, then, that the guidance of the Ship of State be intrusted to those who will direct its course along a true course of light, of progress, and of civilisation; indispensable factors to a safe arrival at the Port of Safety. From to-day forward, all my forces and abilities shall be devoted to this end. In the name, then, of the friendship which unites us, of the Morals and the Future of this country, it is demanded, Doctor, that the reorganisation of existing conditions shall be undertaken. Where can there be happiness for us if the country is not happy? I have a soul, Doctor, which knows how to feel, and therefore I preoccupy myself with the conditions of others. It is not enough for me to live well, knowing that those whom we have liberated are longing for the benefits not accorded them. The ambition of my soul will be fulfilled if only, with your consent, there is brought into existence a relative happy selection of your Associates, and this is not possible, while certain posts are occupied by individuals of the moral complexion of Arias and Victoria. My heart embraces you because I want you. Your affectionate friend and companion, Nothing could have been more insubordinate than the sentence, "I demand the removal of Don Tomas Arias and Don Nicolas Victoria J." The significance of this demand was made clear by the additional intimation that if the President did not comply with it General Huertas would undertake the enforcement of it with his army: "I infer that you will not wish that I, with my weak soldiers, shall take up the labour alone. But, if it be necessary that the step shall be taken by my deficient force, I shall do so without hesitation, or die in the attempt." That was a plain threat of insurrection. President Amador made known the contents of this letter to his colleagues, whereupon the two Ministers named, desiring to free him from all embarrassment, offered their resignations. In addition, the President conferred promptly with Joseph Lee, the Secretary of the American Legation and Chargé d'Affaires in the absence of the Minister. Mr. Lee, with admirable discretion, reminded him of his proper authority as President, and pointed out that it would be deplorable-indeed, disastrous to the good name of Panama-to have the approaching first anniversary of the Republic, on November 3, marred with a revolution, marking the lapse of the young Republic into the evil conditions from which it had freed itself and from which the world hoped it would remain free. President Amador thereupon bent his energies toward keeping the peace until the national festival should have been celebrated, and two days later two of the foremost Liberal leaders-one of them was Belisario Porras -called upon Mr. Lee with the assurance that there would be no disturbance or untoward demonstration during the celebrations of November 3; adding, however, that President Amador would be expected to accept the resignations |