Post-Communist Mafia State: The Case of HungaryHaving won a two-third majority in Parliament at the 2010 elections, the Hungarian political party Fidesz removed many of the institutional obstacles of exerting power. Just like the party, the state itself was placed under the control of a single individual, who since then has applied the techniques used within his party to enforce submission and obedience onto society as a whole. In a new approach the author characterizes the system as the ?organized over-world?, the ?state employing mafia methods? and the ?adopted political family', applying these categories not as metaphors but elements of a coherent conceptual framework. The actions of the post-communist mafia state model are closely aligned with the interests of power and wealth concentrated in the hands of a small group of insiders. While the traditional mafia channeled wealth and economic players into its spheres of influence by means of direct coercion, the mafia state does the same by means of parliamentary legislation, legal prosecution, tax authority, police forces and secret service. The innovative conceptual framework of the book is important and timely not only for Hungary, but also for other post-communist countries subjected to autocratic rules. ÿ |
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The left is in complete disarray, leaving far-right Jobbik as the most well-organized opposition party. Constitutional avenues for peaceful political change have been blocked; one now sometimes hears among the demoralized and fragmented ...
... the tools to influence a governing party that vehemently denies the validity of all criticism and demonizes its critics. What happened? Those curious about the Hungarian democratic implosion have an excellent guide in Bálint Magyar.
With his new powers, he cut all of his cross-party partners-in-corruption out of their various secret joint deals. Orbán, in Magyar's telling of the story, was then able to monopolize the benefits of corruption for himself and his party ...
With Fidesz's constitutional majority, the party could—and did—change the constitution at will. Twelve amendments of the inherited constitution preceded the rapid enactment of the new Fidesz constitution in 2011.
Fidesz's popularity slumped to below 20% in 2012, after the new constitution came into force, and it appeared that there was no way that the party could win another election. The Orbán government's rewriting of the election laws ...
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Cuprins
1 | |
15 | |
from the functional disorders of democracy to a critique of the system | 57 |
4 Definition of the postcommunist mafia state | 67 |
a subtype of autocratic regimes | 73 |
6 The legitimacy deficit faced by the mafia state and the means to overcome it | 209 |
the ideological arsenal | 231 |
8 The Criminal State | 255 |
9 Pyramid schemesthe limits of the mafia state | 269 |
Annexes | 297 |
List of accompanying studies | 304 |
Former publications | 306 |
Index of Names | 309 |