Post-Communist Mafia State: The Case of HungaryCentral European University Press, 1 mar. 2016 - 336 pagini Having won a two-third majority in Parliament at the 2010 elections, the Hungarian political party Fidesz removed many of the institutional obstacles of exerting power. Just like the party, the state itself was placed under the control of a single individual, who since then has applied the techniques used within his party to enforce submission and obedience onto society as a whole. In a new approach the author characterizes the system as the ?organized over-world?, the ?state employing mafia methods? and the ?adopted political family', applying these categories not as metaphors but elements of a coherent conceptual framework. The actions of the post-communist mafia state model are closely aligned with the interests of power and wealth concentrated in the hands of a small group of insiders. While the traditional mafia channeled wealth and economic players into its spheres of influence by means of direct coercion, the mafia state does the same by means of parliamentary legislation, legal prosecution, tax authority, police forces and secret service. The innovative conceptual framework of the book is important and timely not only for Hungary, but also for other post-communist countries subjected to autocratic rules. ÿ |
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... autonomous positions of the intelligentsia in culture and education ....................... 132 5.7.3. Domestication of Non-Government Organizations ......... 139 5.8. Patron-client relations in place of class relations ...
... autonomy, often competitive in itself. The Hungarian political parties—with the exception of the Alliance of Young Democrats (Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége, Fidesz)—did not establish their own business ventures to generate income, but ...
... autonomous world of the oligarchs, while reorganizing corruption in practice into a single chain of order, nationally centralizing and monopolizing it. It fights not corruption at large, but against partisan acts of corruption that it ...
... autonomous “citizen” representing the deliberative world of rational public discourse, but those who wished to believe in populist promises, the “simple masses.” The common denominator between nationalist and social populism is a ...
... autonomy of the individual to any type of community (class, denomination, ethnic group, nation). The confidence and strong internal poise of the secularized intellectual— seeking no communal footholds—came across as the arrogance of the ...
Cuprins
1 | |
15 | |
from the functional disorders of democracy to a critique of the system | 57 |
4 Definition of the postcommunist mafia state | 67 |
a subtype of autocratic regimes | 73 |
6 The legitimacy deficit faced by the mafia state and the means to overcome it | 209 |
the ideological arsenal | 231 |
8 The Criminal State | 255 |
9 Pyramid schemesthe limits of the mafia state | 269 |
Annexes | 297 |
List of accompanying studies | 304 |
Former publications | 306 |
Index of Names | 309 |