Post-Communist Mafia State: The Case of HungaryHaving won a two-third majority in Parliament at the 2010 elections, the Hungarian political party Fidesz removed many of the institutional obstacles of exerting power. Just like the party, the state itself was placed under the control of a single individual, who since then has applied the techniques used within his party to enforce submission and obedience onto society as a whole. In a new approach the author characterizes the system as the ?organized over-world?, the ?state employing mafia methods? and the ?adopted political family', applying these categories not as metaphors but elements of a coherent conceptual framework. The actions of the post-communist mafia state model are closely aligned with the interests of power and wealth concentrated in the hands of a small group of insiders. While the traditional mafia channeled wealth and economic players into its spheres of influence by means of direct coercion, the mafia state does the same by means of parliamentary legislation, legal prosecution, tax authority, police forces and secret service. The innovative conceptual framework of the book is important and timely not only for Hungary, but also for other post-communist countries subjected to autocratic rules. ÿ |
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... as a type of criminal state ........................ 258 8.3.1. One example: criminal organizations expropriating property ........................................................ 260 8.4. Classifying criminal organization actions .
Hungary became an obsessively legalistic state as the façade of law was used to cover every action that had a partisan or personal motive. As Magyar shows, the Orbán government orchestrated a coordinated attack on all of the independent ...
... accumulation of power and wealth which primarily determines all its actions, and which realizes a combination of political power concentration and the growth of fortunes in the hands of the adopted political family by means of mafia ...
An administrator having to be paid off in order for a contract to go through may poison public life in general, but as a private action of the parties involved, it does not undermine the foundations of the democratic establishment or ...
This action was only taken in 1996, when the limit—valid until 2013—was set at one million forint (about $9,000 at that time) per candidate. This was not only problematic because the figure did not follow a then double-digit inflation, ...
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Cuprins
| 1 | |
| 15 | |
from the functional disorders of democracy to a critique of the system | 57 |
4 Definition of the postcommunist mafia state | 67 |
a subtype of autocratic regimes | 73 |
6 The legitimacy deficit faced by the mafia state and the means to overcome it | 209 |
the ideological arsenal | 231 |
8 The Criminal State | 255 |
9 Pyramid schemesthe limits of the mafia state | 269 |
Annexes | 297 |
List of accompanying studies | 304 |
Former publications | 306 |
Index of Names | 309 |
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Informații bibliografice
| Titlu | Post-Communist Mafia State: The Case of Hungary G - Reference,Information and Interdisciplinary Subjects Series |
| Autor | B lint Magyar |
| Ediție | ilustrată |
| Editor | Central European University Press, 2016 |
| ISBN | 6155513546, 9786155513541 |
| Lungime | 336 pagini |
| Exportă citatul | BiBTeX EndNote RefMan |