Persians, Tartars, Affghans, &c., &c., 1000 miles in extent from east to west, and 900 from north to south, is to be retained either in subjection or even in amity. It is not, therefore, remarkable that a farther demand for British troops has been made, and that 10,000 men are now in course of being shipped from Britain to the "far east," whence not one in ten will ever return. That is, perhaps, the concern of those alone who choose to enter into a profession which renders it an indispensable duty to murder every one whom the ministry of the day chooses to consider an enemy: but we see no reason why the peaceably-disposed citizens of this kingdom should not only be made the abettors of massacre in every quarter of the earth, and involved in wars which they cannot prosecute with honour, nor retire from without disgrace, but also made to suffer by excessive taxation in their own persons,-to forward projects they utterly detest and abhor. It appears that the lowest contract which government has been able to make for the transport of the troops from Britain to the East Indies, is £14 to £15 a head; and who can say how many thousands more will be required, to support the forlorn hope of British troops and sepoys which is now perishing in petty skirmishes, and in the attack or defence of miserable forts in Affghanistan, for no national, honourable, or defensible object.

The opium war, which we have denounced from the outset, does not go on with much spirit, though in China, as elsewhere, our character for military courage, perhaps we might say, for animal ferocity, at least when contrasted with Asiatics, is not likely to suffer. One would have thought, that in a quarrel such as we have chosen to make on the opium question, it was the incumbent duty of our government to punish, as far as lay in its power, those who were in its opinion the real delinquents. The whole cause of dispute, as is well known, arose from the Chinese being too eager to favour our merchants in their attempts to introduce opium, and from the efforts of the Chinese government to put down that trade. Instead, however, of making an attack on Pekin, or as near it as circumstances would permit, in order to terrify the rulers of China into submission, or even on Canton, where the confiscation of the opium of the British merchants, and the other acts which have led to the war with the celestial empire, took place; we have commenced hostilities on an island pretty equally distant from both cities, and the local governor and inhabitants of which are as innocent of giving any offence to the British on this or any other occasion as the people of Iceland. The place chosen for attack was the island of Chusan, or as more generally spelt on our maps, Tcheouchan (in long. 121°. lat. 30°.) On the 4th of July, General Burrell, with three ships of war and three transports, arrived in the anchorage of Chusan harbour. An attempt was made that evening to obtain the surrender of the island without bloodshed; but as no arrangement could be come to, and the Chinese next morning indicated a resolution to resist, the ultima ratio regum, a fire of round and grape shot was resorted to, which soon drove the Chinese from their forts and war-junks with great slaughter. Troops were landed, and an assault on the capital of the island, Ting-hae-heen, was resolved on for next day, and preparations made for battering down the walls. Meanwhile shot and shells, " for the purpose of trying the range," as the official account has it, were thrown in, which occasioned great slaughter among the unoffending inhabitants. During the night, however, the Chinese troops, and nearly the whole of the inhabitants, evacuated the town, and the British entered it next morning without resistance. The whole loss on the part of the British in this affair was one man wounded. Yet, notwithstanding the cheap price at which an island as large as the Isle of Wight, with a capital, the walls of which are five miles in circumference, was captured, the most frightful excesses took place. According to one account," notwithstanding strict orders had been issued to respect private property, the sailors were allowed to leave their boats and plunder the town. In a short time they had reduced it to a perfect wreck, wantonly destroying what they could not carry off."

Great quantities of a liquor called Samshu were found in the town, and the soldiers got so completely intoxicated that they had to be carried into the ships by whole companies, and almost regiments, in a state of insensibility. The Indian Gazette furnishes a more frightful picture of the excesses committed: "The troops were then landed,--the British flag hoisted, and a more complete pillage could not be conceived than then took place. Every house was broken open-every drawer and box ransacked, the streets strewed with fragments of furniture, pictures, tables, chairs, grain of all sorts ;-the whole set off but the dead, or the living bodies of the inhabitants who had been unable to leave the city from the wounds received from our merciless guns. Some were lying with one leg shot off, others with both; some with wounds from thirty-two pound shots in their bodies, and others, the bones of whose legs and arms protruded through the flesh, occasioned by the severe wounds they had received. For two days the bodies were allowed to lie exposed to sight where they fell, their swelling and the accumulation of flies, the weather being intensely hot, at last rendered them disgusting: they were buried on the spot. The plunder ceased only when there was nothing to take or destroy." This is the cost at which the bauble called military glory is obtained! Let our tea-drinkers reflect on these horrible details of the sufferings inflicted on a people of a remote island, who never gave offence to the British, and most of whom never heard of our existence; and consider whether their favourite beverage is not too dearly purchased by so much human wretchedness and misery.

Immediately upon the occupation of the capital, General Burrel assumed the title of Governor of Chusan. M. Gutzlaff, the missionary, who accompanied the expedition in quality of interpreter, was appointed chief magistrate; and there seems no doubt that Chusan is henceforth to be reckoned a British settlement, and another station for our Lords John and Lords Charles speedily securing a fortune and a liver complaint! The island, it must, indeed, be admitted, forms a very desirable object for robbery. The principal city is well fortified, is easily defensible, and the soil fertile. The island is situated at the mouth of one of the great Chinese rivers, the Ningpo; at no great distance stands Nanking, formerly the capital of China, and still a large and populous city; and, by means of rivers and numerous canals, it commands an easy water communication with a great part of China. If we are, therefore, to rob the Chinese of part of their teritory, this island is probably as desirable as any other place which can be pointed out.

FRANCE. The success of the British arms in Syria stimulated, in an extraordinary degree, the war faction in Paris. Their suspicions were roused that, in her operations in that country, Great Britain was actuated by a spirit of aggrandizement; and some apparent ground was afforded for these suspicions, by some of our Tory papers advocating the establishment of an Anglo-Syrian Empire, for the purpose of at once supporting the Porte in case of any attack from Russia, and of shutting out from the European nations the route to our Indian Empire. Lord Palmerston has, however, it is reported, assured the French Government that Great Britain has not the slightest wish nor intention to keep possession of any part of Syria; and it is more than probable that any such attempt would occasion a European war. The address, in answer to Louis-Philippe's speech, at the opening of the Chamber of Deputies, led to a discussion nearly unprecedented for length and violence. On the 23d November, the draft of the address was read by the president to the chamber, amid repeated and violent interruptions from the Gauche. On Wednesday, the 25th, the debate began, continued all that week, was resumed on Monday the 30th, and closed on the 3d December. On the 4th, the paragraphs were separately taken into consideration, with the amendments proposed on each; and the final vote was not taken till the 5th, when the address, though not till remodelled, was carried by 247 to 161. It is obvious from the debate, as well as from other occurrences, that a strong desire for

war pervades the French; and, modified as the address was, the majority would have been less considerable, had not Dupin asserted that "France, in the state of an armed peace (paix armée,) and confident of her strength, would watch over the balance of power in Europe, and would not suffer any attack to be made on it." He added that not only would France maintain its liberty of action, but, besides, her 500,000 troops gave her the means of carrying her wishes into effect." Guizot expressed his entire concurrence in these sentiments. The funeral of Napoleon afforded another opportunity of showing the eagerness of the French for war. A body of 2000 students joined the procession, and indicated their feelings by cries laudatory of Thiers and insulting to Guizot; with which were, from time to time, intermingled shouts of "Down with the English." In consequence of the warlike preparations making, and the hostile spirit manifested in France, Germany is bristling with arms, and it only requires a spark to involve all Europe in war. Meanwhile, one of the ordinary results of war, and preparations for war, has been exhibited-increase of debt. Russia has already borrowed £4,000,000; the French funds are sinking rapidly; and a loan of from £6,000,000 to £10,000,000 must be contracted immediately. Our own funds have also fallen; and it is far from improbable that our government will also require a loan; for we suspect that the additional taxes, lately imposed, will not yield so much as was anticipated.

THE CORN-LAW AGITATION.-FREE TRADE.-Notwithstanding the efforts of the Corn-Law League, the landowners do not seem in the least alarmed; as we may judge from the eagerness with which land is sought for, and the high prices given for it. We have before us a list of eight different estates and farms lately sold in England. The soil of several of the farms was by no means of first-rate quality, though certainly capable of improvement; and there were no circumstances tending artificially to raise the value of the land. The total amount of the purchase-money was £214,000; and the number of years' purchase, under deduction of land-tax alone, which each property brought, was as follows:two twenty-nine years, one thirty-one, one thirty-two, two thirty-five, and two thirty-seven; which will yield considerably less than three per cent. on the purchasemoney, while five per cent. can easily be got at present on unexceptionable security. Whether these high prices are to be attributed to a confidence that the aristocracy have the power to maintain the starvation-laws against every attempt to remove them, or from a belief that their removal would not permanently lower the value of the land, it is difficult to say; but whatever may be the cause, we hope the efforts to get rid of those obnoxious laws will never be relaxed till victory be obtained. Two very competent witnesses examined before the Committee of the House of Commons on the import duties, Mr J. D. Hume and Mr M'Gregor, declared their belief, that the burden of the Corn and Provision Laws, was greater than all the State Taxes put together. One of them estimated the burden at double the amount of the government revenue. At least fifty millions a-year may, with great safety, be put down as the sum which the keeping up of a single monopoly costs the people. Of this sum, only a small portion, not more than a fifth, according to Mr M'Culloch's calculation, goes into the pockets of the land-owners, the other four-fifths, that is to say, forty millions a-year, are thrown away on the eultivation of the bogs, heaths, and sands of the landed aristocracy, instead of being profitably invested in manufactures, for which double the quantity of corn could be obtained from the cultivators of the rich soils of Europe and America.

The Anti-Corn Law Association actively continues its agitation. During the Autumn, their lecturers have addressed large audiences in numerous towns and villages in England and Ireland; and except in places beridden by the aristocracy, they have been cordially, and indeed enthusiastically received. The effect these lectures must produce, in opening the eyes of the ignorant rustics, and small shop-keepers in the country

towns, cannot be over-estimated. Another efficient measure is in the course of organization--the getting up of a determined opposition to every candidate for a seat in the House, who does not pledge himself distinctly to a repeal of the Corn Laws.

THE SCOTTISH DISSENTERS.-The ministers of that great body of Scottish Dissenters, comprehended under the names of the United Associate Synod, and the Relief Synod, have, at last, taken up a position in relation to the Non-intrusion party in the Established Church, and the Whig Administration, which would seem to be one of armed neutrality, if not of determined hostility. The other denominations of Dissenters are comparatively small in point of numbers, yet we presume that they also will concur in the views of those to whom they are knit by the fundamental principle of Voluntaryism, religious freedom, and equality of civil rights, without respect to religious opinion:-and some of them have done so. A meeting of a metropolitan Central Board of Dissenters, instituted some time since, was lately held in Edinburgh, and attended by delegates, lay and clerical, from many of the Scottish towns. The resolutions adopted by that assembly, and its general objects and means of accomplishing these have since been elaborately expounded in a formal manifesto, published under the sanction of the Board.

It has not surprised us that this decided step is taken; but that it has been so long delayed. The Movement has originated with the clergy, and it is guided by them; though influential laymen among the Dissenters have heartily concurred in its objects. It now remains to be seen whether the Dissenters will answer to the helm as promptly and steadily as the Catholics under their priesthood; the English yeomanry under the Tory clergy and Tory landlords; or as the well-drilled constituencies of certain towns have hitherto done under their Whig fuglemen. If so, the consequences at the first general election must be very serious to the present Ministers; nor do we see how these unfortunate gentlemen, fairly jammed in between the horns of the Bashan Bull of Non-Intrusion and the now exalted horn of Voluntaryism, are to avoid being gored. They cannot now propitiate consistent Dissenters, although they were so inclined. They have injured and insulted them in what is past; and, for the future, they are unable to give them any reasonable ground of hope. And the test which the Dissenting clergy, or the Central Board-laity and clergy-propose for them, makes it compulsory that they should recant past misdeeds, as well as promise better behaviour for the future, and keep their promise.

But this meeting of delegates we consider less important for the resolutions adopted, than for the temper and spirit indicated. In this respect it was the parallel of the great Grey Gathering in Edinburgh, seven years since, when the steady, fair-and-go-softly amblers found themselves quite unable to check the bold riders. There was speaking "away from the question" that gave much offence on the platform, and which has been sharply rebuked even by those ministerial prints that advocate Voluntaryism, but which was received with rapturous delight by the assembly. None of the clerical speakers-and all the speakers were clerical-attempted to palliate, or sought to screen the delinquencies of the government, and particularly of certain of its Scottish members, towards the Dissenting body. All their special grievances were recapitulated, and dwelt upon even bitterly; but an allusion to matters equally pressing and as momentous, made by one of the ministers, who seems in advance of his brethren (the Rev. Mr Marshall of Kirkintilloch,) was anxiously checked, as not merely out of place, but decidedly worthy of condemnation. This gentleman spoke of the Chartist agitation, and the alarming discontents of the unfranchised masses. We regret that his opinions on the principle of representation are not perfectly clear. He thinks that a limited franchise might do very well if the people would only be contented to believe so. But they will not, and they ought not; and, like Sir Robert Peel in granting the Catholic claims, Mr Marshall argues that the suffrage must be conceded, because it is most danger

ous longer to withhold it. Mr Marshall appeared to consider the views of his reverend brethren unexceptionable so far as they went, but too narrowly-based to prove efficient even for their immediate objects; which in substance, are, first to show that the Scottish Dissenting clergy are no longer to be ill-treated by the Whigs with impunity, or as they have been, in the case of the Highland schools, over which they have no control, and by their pointed exclusion from the chaplaincy of jails and the Bible-board; and, secondly, to curb the Non-intrusion party in their struggle for what Dissenters consider mere priestly domination. Excellent objects, no doubt; yet such as any Tory in the country might support, provided he were also a Voluntary.

The Dissenting body is henceforth to manage for itself in registrations, in testing candidates, that delicate process!--and in every thing connected with the exercise of the franchise. They are, in short, to throw off the yoke of the Whig cliques, and to act for themselves.

TRADE AND MANUFACTURES.

The Select Committee of the House of Commons upon Import duties, has collected some valuable information, showing the pernicious effect which high import duties have on our trade and manufactures, and on the welfare of the country in general. J. D. Hume, Esq., who has been thirty-eight years in the Customs, and eleven years at the Board of Trade, considers that, in a general and national view, no national measure could be more beneficial than removing all protections, prohibitions, and restrictions. He states that the effect of all protections is to lessen the efforts of the protected to compete with their rivals. Of this he gives the following instance :At the time of Mr Pitt's commercial treaty with France, the great import was French broad cloths. Our own cloths were formerly protected by high duties, and they were of a very inferior character. But as soon as the manufacturers of this country felt the stimulus of foreign competition, they set themselves to work; and the result has been that, up to a certain point, the English make cloth better for the price than the French do, and consequently we have retained our trade. The duty upon foreign woollens, at present, is 15 per cent., and we do not import more than £100,000 worth in the year, while we annually export nearly seven millions worth of our own woollen manufactures; showing that we can now compete with foreigners in neutral markets. Mr Hume also explains the cause of the depression of the Spittalfields silk trade after the war. That depression arose, not from competition by Lyons, but by the people of Manchester commencing the business; and, so far from there being a decrease of the British silk trade, by a reduction of the duties, in two or three years afterwards, double the quantity of raw silk was consumed in Britain than formerly. Very great improvements were also made in the machinery. The result of the competition was, that the price of silks was greatly reduced, and the wearing of silk came into much more general use than it had ever been before. Mr Hume expresses a confident opinion that monopoly, however secured, prevents all efforts at improvement; and that every branch of our manufactures, in which we are able to stand competition, has been injured by protection. Mr Hume is supported in his views by Mr Porter and Mr M'Gregor; and the committee, in the conclusion of their report, state, "that they have thought themselves warranted in reporting their strong conviction of the necessity of an immediate change in the import duties of the kingdom; and, should parliament sanction the views which your committee entertains on these most important matters, they are persuaded that, by imposts on a small number of the articles which are now most productive, the amount of each impost being carefully considered with a view to the greatest consumption of the article, and thereby the greatest receipt to the Customs, no loss would accrue to the revenue, but, on the contrary, a con

siderable augmentation might be confidently anticipated. The simplification they recommend would not only vastly facilitate the transactions of commerce, and thereby benefit the revenue, but would, at the same time, greatly diminish the costs of collection."

In the manufacturing districts complaints still continue to be made of the dulness of trade, low profits, and unemployed workmen. The recent accounts from the United States represent commerce to be in a flourishing condition. The crops of cotton, corn, and tobacco, have all been large, and will enable the Americans to clear off a great part of the debts they owe in Europe; but, unfortunately, the abundance of raw cotton, and its extreme cheapness, operate as a check on our manufacturers getting a remunerating price for their goods. The stock of sugar is very small, so that prices are likely still to advance; and the time does not seem far distant when we must make up our minds either to dispense with the use of sugar, or to allow foreign sugar to be imported at a reasonable duty. The highness of the price has lessened the demand very much, and the market continues dull. The Gazette average at this time in 1838, was 34s. 34d. per cent; in 1839, 35s. 6d. ; and now 56s. 10d., exclusive of the import duty of 24s. a cwt., or more than 24d. a-lb.

AGRICULTURE.

It is now generally admitted by the best judges that the last crop was nearly an average, that is, sufficient to serve our population for twelve months. We may compute the present population of Great Britain at 19,000,000, and that of Ireland at 9,000,000. And allowing each of the former one quarter of wheat, and each of the latter (as the Irish live on coarser food) half a quarter, our annual consumpt of wheat may be taken at 231,000,000 of quarters. To this must be added ten per cent., or 2,350,000 quarters for seed; and we should always have a sufficient quantity of the old crop for this purpose. This was certainly not the case last harvest, for the stack-yards and barns were almost entirely cleared. On the other hand, we imported 1,700,000 quarters of foreign wheat just before harvest; so that, if our calculation be correct, we have still a deficiency of 1,000,000 of quarters in the quantity necessary to maintain us till next harvest. Between the 5th September and 10th October, 1,035,814 quarters of wheat and 365,087 cwts. of flour were entered for home-consumption, leaving only 7278 quarters of wheat, and 8594 cwts. of flour in bond. As very little has been imported since, the stock of foreign wheat in bond is unusually small. Since September, the price of wheat has been steadily, though slowly, rising, and the general average is now 61s. 2d.; and the duty being 25s. 8d., no more foreign wheat will be taken out of bond.

The murrain has gradually approached us from the south; but although many cattle and sheep have been attacked with it, the mortality, where proper care has been taken has been very inconsiderable. An absurd alarm has been raised against the consumption of milk and animal food; but there is no reason to believe that the discase either affects the milk or flesh of the animals. From the risk of contagion, some of the cattle markets have exhibited a great deficiency of supply; but, notwithstanding, the price of food has not risen materially.

While on the subject of agriculture, we shall take the opportunity of noticing the Gardeners' Gazette, a weekly newspaper published in London. It has been greatly improved since the management of the horticultural department was intrusted to Mr Loudon. Though principally intended for circulation among gardeners and amateur florists, and to them indeed it is indispensable, -a great deal of useful information is also to be found in it as to the management of the soil, the planting and treatment of forest trees, and on agricultural subjects generally. Mr Loudon has now openly joined the Gardeners' Gazette. He is in himself a host.

"L'ALLEMAND," says Oxenstiern the younger, “est une creature qui BOIT PLUS QU'ELLE NE PEUT PORTER, un tonneau qui contient plus qu'il ne paroît, et' un homme qui soit plus qu'il ne dit: j'y ajoute un homme d'honneur et de probite"-a text on which a sermon might be written as edifying as some of Thomas Carlyle's famous essays on German Literature. Capacity, it seems, and comprehensiveness, is the grand feature of the German mind; and of the German body also, which, we are told, contains more beer than it can carry. And this is all right and proper, and according to nature-as the Pu seyites tell us, that every soul must have a body corresponding to it, an outward expression and type of that which is within. Not that all great eaters and great drinkers are necessarily or naturally also great thinkers; but that a large and broad and jovial intellect will not, in the general, case, be cast in a body, slim and slender, like a dandy's walking-cane, or a young lady's prayerbook. So Goethe; so Wilson; so Patrick Robertson: and if Harry Bluff, in the song, be an exception exceptio confirmat regulam; and it is not the less true, that small bodies, like that of Thiers the ex-minister of France, are the general encasement of quick and clever minds only, not of those that are grand and comprehensive. And as is the body, such also are the capacities and functions of the body. Goethe was a great eater; so are Van Amburgh's lionswould it not be foolish to see them pecking like fowls?—and the "immania corpora" of the ancient Germans, whose mere aspect struck terror into the

NO. LXXXVI.-VOL, VIII,

Burschen Song.

degenerate Romans, remaining to the present day, are accompanied with large capacities of eating and drinking, noticed by all intelligent travellers. And with regard to the matter of drinking (the more godlike function,) we may observe generally, that though fashions in this, as in other matters, change with times and places; though the Englishman drinks port wine, the German beer, and the gods nectar-still, to drink well is a quality that we instinctively associate with the idea of perfect manhood; and a soul of large capacity will not sip mincingly, but swill down the purple draught heartily, as Solomon tells us that all good things ought to be done-" with all thy might," totus in illis-accentuating the energy, concentrating the function, making a totality of it, and not a wretched fragment, and peddling abortion of a deed. Does not some god (we forget which) in the Edda, drink up, or try to drink up Ocean, making a visible ebb even in the Mediterranean sea? and have we not known small, compact, stay-laced souls, too many, that could not, even were their salvation to depend on it, expand into a hearty laugh, and would be literally drowned by a bona fide bumper of any thing substantial? It is no jest: whoso cannot drink, is deficient in one of the functions of manhood; and if he be minutely examined, outside and inside, the probability is that he will be found deficient in some other function also.

Mr. Tait has received various communications anent the Burschen Melodies; and, for the most part, he is proud to acknowledge (and the present writer

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