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Some Loose Thoughts on Hanging,
Statistics of the Retreat near York,
Student-Life of Germany, The, reviewed,
Sugar Duties, The,

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Sultan, The, and Mehemet Ali,

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297 Sunday Desecration; Railway Travelling, &c., 810
678 Swing (Lucifer) on the Fire in the Tower,
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1, 65, 288

Pigott's Real Life, in the Palace and the Cottage, 166
Poetry; Chapters on English, 303, 484, 648, 681

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Political Register, 65, 337, 406, 473, 542, 676, 745, 809
Politics of the Parks, (London)
Present Duty of Reformers,

Progress and Prospects of Society, The
Protection to Agriculture,

Protestantism, Puseyism, and Catholicism,
Punishments, System of, in America,

Quaker Lunatic Asylum, near York,
Quackleborough Election; a Mystery,
Quillinan's "The Conspirators," reviewed,

Radicalism in England, in 1816, &c.,
Railway from Newcastle to Edinburgh,
Reputation; The Cost of a,

Revenue, The, in 1841,

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Review of Unpublished Annuals; The Topaz,
Roberts' Journey through Egypt, &c., to Bombay.
Romilly; Bentham's Recollections of,

Sanatory Inquiries and Proposed Legislation,

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Scott, Byron, and their Imitators,

Scottish Dictionary; Memoir of the Author,

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205 Syria, The War in,

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749 Tories, Accession of the, to Office,

477, 611,

613

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Tories, Whigs, and Radicals; and the Libel Law, 161
730 Tower of London; The late Fire in the,

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760, 809

Trade and Manufactures, 68, 475, 544, 680, 748, 812
705 Trappe; A Visit to the Monastery of La,
484 Trollope's (Mrs.) Charles Chesterfield, reviewed, 722

153, 223

514

590

Turkey, State of, by R. Cobden, M.P.,
Two Years before the Mast, reviewed, .

78

430

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Sedgwick's (Miss) Letters from Abroad, reviewed,

Sewell's Christian Morals, reviewed,

Shakers, The, Described by Colonel Maxwell,
Shakspearian Rambles; by H. Curling,

Shelburne, Bentham's Reminiscences of, 26, 177, 289,728
Shelley; Criticism on the Poetry of,
Sketches of Life and Manners; from the Autobio-

graphy of an English Opium-Eater,

Sketches in Erris and Tyrawly, reviewed,
Slavery and the Slave Trade, in America, &c.,
Slavery and the Sugar Duties,

Sliding Scale, (Corn Laws ;) Working of the,
Smith (James) Memoirs of,

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TAIT'S

EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.

JANUARY, 1841.

FRANCE, ENGLAND, AND THE PALMERSTON POLICY.

THE public feeling in England, respecting the state of our foreign relations, exhibits, at the present moment, a remarkable contrast to that of France. In France, all parties and classes are anxious and excited: some eagerly hoping for war with England; others as eagerly seeking to maintain peace; but all actively engaged in discussing the chances, and moved by a lively interest in the possible consequences of hostility. In England, on the contrary, all is apathy. The newspapers write and speculate about war with France, it is true, because they must write about something; but there is no excitement, no anxiety in the public mind about it. For the truth of this assertion, we appeal to the experience of every man in his own society. Of the fact of this want of interest, this absence of all anxiety in the public mind, there can be no doubt. What, then, is the cause of this remarkable difference of feeling? How is it that, while our neighbours are so excited, so anxious, and so much on the alert, we regard all that is going forward with such striking indifference? The cause, we suspect, is this: the people of this country are unable to persuade themselves that war is imminent. Removed, as we are, from the hopes and fears of continental politics, we-that is, the people of this country-are not, like the French, always on the qui vive, jealous and watchful of what is going on around us. Our minds are, therefore, turned exclusively towards our own concerns; and we leave what are called the foreign affairs of the country almost entirely in the hands of the executive government. The House of Commons partakes so much of this feeling of the people, that, for many years after the passing of the Reform Bill, it was absolutely impossible to maintain a debate upon questions of foreign policy. This indifference, arising from a good principle, and attended with many beneficial effects, is yet productive of some mischievous consequences. The good principle is, the determination to mind our own affairs, leaving to others the undisturbed management of theirs. But the mischievous effect of our conduct arises from our not compelling the executive government to act upon the same prin

NO. LXXXV.-VOL. VIII.

ciple. The parliament and the people confine their attention to their own affairs; but they carelessly allow the ministry to meddle, and meddle just as they like, with every intrigue that may agitate not merely Europe, but the world. The people of the continent, therefore, never believe the assertion that the people of this country are careless of foreign politics. They judge of us by the doings of our government; and as the government is really, from our apathy, wholly without check or control, the judgment of foreigners respecting us is but too often, and too justly, unfavourable towards our character, and hostile to our interests. The present position of our relations with France, is a remarkable instance of the consequence of this conduct on our part. The people are careless, confident in the continuation of peace, and looking on with a strange and fatal indifference; our Foreign minister, on the contrary, is active, meddling, and mischievous. The French, naturally suspicious, from their former experience, are jealous, excited, hostile. While we think war impossible, and act upon this belief, they, deeming war inevitable, moot this question only-When will it happen? This expectation of hostilities moves their people from one end of their country to the other; all classes, all parties, are equally on the alert; and, if we look closely into the language of men of every party, we shall find throughout a strong feeling of hostility to England; an expectation that war with her is at hand; and that the only point of difference is the mode of preparing for, and the time of declaring it.*

In the late debates in the French Chamber, M. Guizot and Marshal Soult appear the only exceptions to this statement. In the speeches of all the other speakers, whatever may be the practical conclusion at which towards England, and a readiness to go to war, when the they severally arrive, there is manifest an angry tone proper time shall have arrived. It is much to be suspected that, spite of all their pacific language, M. Guizot and Marshal Soult are carefully preparing for war, under the apprehension that the petulance of the English minister, acting upon the jealous temper of the French people, will, at no very distant day, bring on a war however painful to the king and his present ministers.

A

ment and enthusiasm-things cannot be worse
they may be better. Sauve qui peut.”
The affairs of France afforded a happy opportu-

had succeeded in thrusting himself into power, spite of the most decided and violent opposition of the French king. Louis Philippe has never been content to reign upon the principles and with the

War! say the people of this country-in the name of common sense, we ask for what are we to go to war? Syria! Turkey! the integrity of the Ottoman empire! What are these things to us?nity for trying such an experiment. M. Thiers Can any arrangement of the affairs of the barbarian, Mehemet Ali, and those of the still greater barbarian, the sultan, be fraught with mischief to us and the world equal to what would follow if war were to break out between us and France? Cer-power of a constitutional monarch. Irresponsible, tainly not, is the answer of every rational man. How, then, is it possible that on such a pretext war can arise? Satisfied, as each man is, of the absurdity of such a reason for disturbing the peace of Europe, all pursue their ordinary avocations; comforting themselves with the notion that our neighbours are an excitable people, much given to fierce gesticulation on trifling occasions; but on the whole far too sensible to forget their real interests in maintaining peace, and stir up a war with England on account of some idle unintelligible disputes about Syria, Egypt, and Turkey. The Minister for Foreign Affairs is, therefore, allowed to do as he pleases; and that he pleases to create a disturbance in Europe, is but too manifest to all who will take the pains carefully to watch his conduct throughout the whole of the proceedings relating to what is called the Eastern question.

A glance at the condition of the English ministry may enable us to see some light in the present matter; more especially, if we look also at the state of party politics in France. It will not be difficult to ascertain how the existing combustion has arisen-why Messrs Palmerston, Thiers, and the King of the French have succeeded in raising a quarrel between France and England which threatens to create confusion from one end of the world to the other.

It was plain to every body that, at the close of the last session of parliament, the Whigs saw that their tenure of office would hardly extend beyond the next session, if no alteration took place in the public mind. The small majority in the House of Commons, which afforded them their poor pretext for retaining office, was every day dwindling away -every new election diminished their numbers. The apathy of the people was now too manifest to be mistaken, and, if it continued, was sure to be fatal to their existence as a ministry. There was another feeling also that was daily becoming stronger-disgust at the open and shameless ministerial desertion of all the principles which the Whigs, as a party, had so long advocated. This disgust rendered the liberal public indifferent as to Tory success; and the oft-repeated cry of "Keep out the Tories" had lost its efficacy; for men said -and said truly" Why need we keep them out, seeing that you ape all their evil doings in office? If out, you may do good; but, now that you are in, we have an illiberal ministry watched by a somewhat more illiberal opposition." Things were hastening to their natural conclusion-yet a few months, and the Whig ministry had ceased to exist. Like desperate gamesters, they now seem trying their last throw. It would appear as if they said "Peace has been fatal to us,-let us see what war will bring; confusion may recreate excite

he yet has ever desired to be his own minister-that is, he desired to do what he pleased, and to make others responsible if evil should follow. The Liberal party have always opposed him in this pretension; and at length M. Thiers, who had already become personally offensive to him, was able, by the aid of a majority in the chamber, in spite of the expressed wishes of the king, to seize upon the post of prime minister, with the open determination of acting not at the king's dictation, but on his own opinion, and subject to responsibility for his own acts alone. He knew that every engine of intrigue would be employed to dispossess him,-that the first favourable opportunity for that purpose would be eagerly seized, and that every art would be used to destroy his power in the chamber, and his popularity with the people, It was necessary for him to be prepared for the struggle that was coming between himself and the sovereign, and to shape his course accordingly.

M. Thiers had in early life, and for some years after he was known as a politician, been of what is called the Ultra-liberal party. This party he offended, by adopting the opinions of a section of the juste milieu, which had great power in the Chamber of Deputies. But any one who desires to cope with the king, at the head of the Conservative party, soon feels in France that he must be supported, not only by this section,—which is in reality of the bourgeoisie or middle class, but that he must also acquire the confidence of the more declared liberals. These latter, though few in number in the chambers, are numerous out of doors— active, intelligent, and powerful. Now, this party entertain a belief that their views of change will be advanced by war. The movement party in France is also a war party;* and herein is one great distinction between the English and the French Radicals. M. Thiers, therefore, wishing to conciliate this section, and well aware of the general feeling of the French people respecting war and glory, was not unwilling to seize any opportunity which should enable him to arouse the national vanity, to link himself to the national glory, in the hope of being by this means able to cope with the king and the Conservative party. Lord Palmerston quickly gave him an opportunity of playing this card.

Some months before M. Thiers came into office,

* It should be remarked, however, that although the movement is, on the whole, a war party, yet that their desire for war is war with the despots of Europe, rather than with England. That the national vanity has been hurt by the successes of England cannot be denied ; neither can it be doubted that there are many persons in France who talk of washing out this stain, as they are it is to be hoped and believed that the majority of the pleased to term it, on their national honour; nevertheless, liberal party would rather have England a friend than foe,

́an offer was made by England to France to join | what then has this risk been encountered? What the fleets of the two nations and assume the entire arbitrement of Eastern affairs; this would have led to a war with Russia, and was by the King of the French, therefore, very prudently refused,-he well knowing that war with any power would endanger his crown. On this refusal, Russia, and the other despotic powers, were applied to, and France left on one side: the pretence being, that it was necessary to maintain the integrity of the Turkish Empire; and to this end, to compel Mehemet Ali to give up Syria, which he had conquered, and the Turkish fleet, which had deserted to him. This proceeding on our part was by M. Thiers construed into an insult to France. Whereupon he and his party newspapers, made forcible appeals to the vanity and self-love of the people. The flame spread from one end of France to the other, and, to the astonishment of the people of this country, every Frenchman seemed frantic for war. Nothing startled by this state of things, Lord Palmerston continued his game; a fleet was sent to Syria, troops also were despatched there, and arms and ammunition were distributed among the turbulent population, which by Mehemet Ali had been disarmed, and rendered amenable to law and justice. It is at this stage of the narrative that we could wish the reader to pause, and calmly, but earnestly, to inquire into, and judge of, the whole morality of this extraordinary proceeding.

interest of England was at stake? What wise purpose is sought to be attained? Wherefore, we reiterate, wherefore are we, at this moment, shedding blood, squandering treasure, and risking the terrible calamity of a general war? What is the answer hitherto given to this question? It is impossible to discover any that a rational man can for a moment listen to. The integrity of the Turkish Empire? In the first place, we ask fearlessly how does this supposed integrity concern us? and, in the second place, this integrity has been long since destroyed, and was, by the very proposal to make Mehemet Ali sovereign of Egypt, utterly set at nought. But Mehemet Ali, if permitted, would have become undisturbed master of Syria. Well, and what then? He ill-treated the Syrians. Is this a reason for interfering in the affairs of another people? Ask the Irish Catholics if England ill-treats them. Ask the inhabitants of Lower Canada if England has been a merciful master? Let the thousands of her people slain by the sword, by famine, by frost, and misery, answer! The pretence is ridiculous. Mehemet ill-treated the Syrians: therefore, we have spread war and desolation over their land, and levelled their cities with the earth. If ours be a merciful consideration of their misery, this is a strange way of showing it! But it was necessary to counteract Russia. We confess we cannot understand how this was to be effected by destroying the only power in the East that was steadily pursuing a system of improvement and civilisation. Mehemet Ali powerful, might have been a useful ally-checked in his plans, ruined abroad, crushed at home, he is useless as a friend, while he may be a vengeful and annoying enemy. We pretend to desire the improvement of the East-we say that we wish to see European civilisation spreading over Africa and Asia; and, in order to forward its advance, we destroy the only power which has hitherto successfully attempted to bring the natives of those regions even into the path which leads to this desired

One of the greatest calamities that could at this moment happen to the civilized world, would be a war between France and England; and any one who deliberately risks the immediate bringing about of this dire event, ought, if he wish to escape the execration of his fellow men, be able to show that he was driven by an overwhelming necessity to run so dangerous a hazard. But, in the present case, no such excuse can be offered; ignorance of the probable consequence cannot be pleaded; Lord Palmerston well knew, as did every one at all acquainted with France, that if he pursued his proposed scheme with respect to Syria, it might be utterly impossible to prevent an immediate declara-goal! tion of war by the French people. Whether peace or war would result was as uncertain a contingency, as the number that would appear upon the throwing of a die. Louis Philippe, we all were aware, earnestly desired peace, and would use his utmost efforts to maintain it; but it was also clear, that the excitement of the people might be too much for him. Happily, for the moment, peaceful counsels have prevailed. The dexterous management of the king has secured, for the instant, a majority in the chambers; but the great risk was run; and even at this moment we cannot say that we have escaped the fearful consequences. Any hour may bring a change in the determination of the chambers; and the peaceful prospects which sanguine spirits believe to be before us, may at once be overclouded, and war, with all its horrors, come suddenly upon us and the world. For

*

The probabilities of the present peace being disturbed are the greater, because of the insulting bearing and reckless conduct of our Minister for Foreign Affairs. Hitherto, success has attended his warlike doings; but

But allowing all that is said about the necessity of coercing Mehemet Ali, aiding the Turk, and opposing Russia,-would not most of these ends have been attained more easily and completely through an alliance with France, than with the four despotic powers of Europe; and would any of the evils anticipated in the East have weighed against the terrible mischiefs that must follow upon a war with the French nation?

Let us for a moment contemplate some of the probable results of hostilities between the two countries; and while so doing we would entreat the attention of all classes of politicians. We know that there is much triumph among Tory

success ought not to blind us to the folly of undertaking this war at all, nor to the worse than folly of undertaking it in a manner likely (and indeed intended) to give offence to the French nation. If the same spirit is still to direct our councils, it is evident, whatever the present deceitful appearances of peace may be, that we shall not escape from our negotiations with France without a rupture.

statesmen, at the present warlike proceedings of | among our people?—is it perfect quiet in Ireland?

their opponents the Whigs. They remember the lamentations over war, the demands for peace, in which the Whigs constantly indulged during the last struggle with France; and they see, with much complacency, the Whigs forgetting the principles of those days, and following now in the very footsteps of the Tories of the olden time. Moreover, the Tory party are glad of any thing which distracts the public attention; which calls it away from our own internal affairs, and thus silences the cry for reform. They hail this coming storm, therefore, because it will utterly destroy the character of their political opponents, and because it will put off the evil day of reform. But there is another light in which this picture may be viewed, in which the scene is far from promising a pleasant prospect even for them. To this view we solicit their earnest consideration; and not only theirs, but that of every man, to whom the weal or wo of his country and mankind is a matter of concern. Suppose that the hostilities already commenced in Syria continue; suppose the pacha obstinate, Alexandria destroyed, or any other contingency that may anger or alarm the French; suppose, thereupon, a violent outbreak of the French people, and war declared; what will be the condition of France? What will be her conduct? She will, as in 1793, stand alone against the world; but not, as then, weak and distracted,-torn with internal convulsions, and wholly unprepared for hostilities. The prestige of her former victories will attend her. Her numerous and disciplined forces will be eager for attack; while her leaders will not fail to seek for aid against the despots who trample upon Europe, from the people whom these despots oppress. The propagande will be their principle of action,to Italy they will speak as deliverers; and let no one doubt but that within that land they will find ample means for spreading the flame of war and insurrection. France will fight Austria, not simply with her own armies, but with the people oppressed by the degrading rule of the Hun. From the Alps to Reggio, Italy will at once be in arms, and give Austria reason to curse the hour in which the demon of liberty (for to her liberty is a demon) was aroused by the war-cry of France. Spain, too, aided by republican France, would soon remodel her government. Even now the democratic party is in the ascendant ;-let France interfere as a friend to that party, and resistance will be impossible. The days of 1807 will not return. The French, taught by the experience of that time, will not commit again the fatal mistake of Napoleon; but leaving the people of Spain to frame their own government, will acquire an ally in place of making a revengeful enemy. In Poland, also, will France seek alliance. Germany, in spite of what we constantly hear of the paternal nature of the various governments which partition her soil, will afford abundant means of exciting discontent. The spirit of liberty is not dead, but sleeping amidst her fields and cities. War once declared in Europe, that spirit will be up and doing, over every part of the continent. And who will say that here in Britain and in Ireland all will be peaceful? Is there no discontent

Let us not hide the truth from ourselves. Throughout England and Scotland, more especially in the manufacturing districts, the working classes are bitterly hostile to those institutions by which they are excluded from political rights. In some parts of the country they have, in a time of profound peace, risen in open insurrection, and are only kept down in sullen obedience, because they have learned that violence is useless. This desire to resist is not confined to a few-the feeling of discontent is widely spread ;* and this feeling will not be soothed or allayed by increasing the misery which gave it birth. But war will inevitably do this-millions will be again thrown away-our burthens, already far too heavy, will become insupportable; discontent will, all over the land, break out in open violence; and an armed effort will be made to attain those ends, which, if peace continue, the people hope to attain by the gradual advance of truth, and the increase of knowledge among all ranks. This would be, even for those who hope, in war, a means of staving off the evil day of reform, a far worse result than peaceful change; for with this violent tumbling down of old institutions, ruin will come far and wide. The debt which hangs round our necks, a vast and almost overwhelming burthen, will be shaken off, without regard to the direful suffering which must follow. All improvement must, for the time, cease. The millions which, even now, find a scanty subsistence, will then be all too many for our narrow limits; the most terrible convulsions will occur; and, if succeeding generations may be destined to see happier times, we at least shall be miserable. In Ireland confusion is yet more likely to happen. At this present time the leaders of the Tory party are fearful of accepting power, because they dread insurrection and civil war in that ill-governed land. Will the chance of evil be lessened by the miseries of war? If the powerful hand of England be once withdrawn, or if the Irish once successfully resist our dominion, a civil war will follow that will very much resemble the war of extermination between the whites and the blacks of Hayti. The Catholic and Protestant have so long been opposed to each other, such a fearful spirit of hate and revenge has been aroused, that an internecine war would be the inevitable consequence of any appeal to force

the war trumpet for Lord Palmerston, nevertheless thus The Morning Chronicle, which has been lustily blowing writes concerning the feeling of the working people :"So long as the extension of the suffrage below the middle classes is refused by the legislature, there will be a great breach in the community, incapable of healing. The working classes are now, in fact, at war with all the superior classes. They do not indeed take the field in arms; though perhaps there are many who might not object to that, and with whom it is simply a question of prudential calculation. But they are alienated and hosper, which has so long been the organ of the Whigs, and tile in heart and soul."--Dec. 10, 1840.-This newspawhich so often and so loudly complained of Tory wars, has, since the Eastern question arose, employed all its energies to excite discord between England and France. Party purposes had to be served; so old professions and Whatever may be the policy of such conduct, the moraworn-out principles have been conveniently forgotten. lity cannot be doubtful.

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