in the Tiber, but they used the public baths in enormous numbers. Here the rich came with their slaves and the poor came alone. Within they were on an equality, or as nearly so as men can be where such sharp class distinctions obtain. A public bath for women often adjoined that of the men, being devoid of the exercise court and always smaller and plainer. How times have changed!

The fact that Rome had these enormous thermae, capable of receiving from 1,000 to 4,000 bathers at once, that the treatment included the temperate bath, the sweat bath, the hot bath and the cold plunge; that these became the favorite lounging places for all idlers; that here poets sprung their effusions upon a helpless audience, philosophers taught and orators declaimed to all unwilling ears; that the vast concrete walls and domes were tessalated with precious mosaics and the masterpieces of the world's sculpture were gathered here for decoration, all this is common knowledge. Perhaps it is less well understood that many of the better class of private houses had also their thermae or bath room suite, with always the three rooms for temperate, hot and cold bath.

The city water supply was excellent and abundant. Instead of a single elevated reservoir or standpipe, there were distributing towers at various points through the city, which furnished adequate pressure to carry the water to all necessary points. The possibility of throwing a stream of water as high as a house, and so making the water supply a good defense against fire, probably never occurred to them, and indeed the lead piping in use could never have withstood the strain to which our cast iron pipes are subjected. Fountains throwing a little stream two or three feet in the air that fell back with cooling splash into the marble basin, were a favorite device in atrium or colonaded garden.

In an isolated country house not far from Naples there have been found not only the rooms of the bath, with hypocaustic floors and walls, but the very boiler and piping and tub that completed the outfit. This interesting relic has been set up in the museum at Pompeii, and you can touch the stopcocks that admit either hot or cold water to the tub, quite in modern style.

Amusement was found by the poor in Punch and Judy shows in the square of an evening, with other juggling and sleight of hand performances. Amphitheatres held thousands of spectators to witness frequent combats of men and beasts. Theatres were filled with applauding multitudes. The circus, with its four factions, whose colors were red, white, blue and green, split the city into parties, of which the blues and greens predominated over the rest with as eager a rivalry as the democratic and republican parties in American politics. The saturnalia, prototype of Christmas mirth, claimed from three to seven days in December. Then all laws were relaxed, slaves wore the pileus or cap of freedom and mingled on an equality with their masters, and presents were sent between friends in almost endless profusion. Doubtless, the selection of suitable gifts was as perplexing a task, in some respects, then as now; but kindly custom allowed a poor man, who had to make a present to one better off to make choice always of a wax candle.

The clothing worn by both men and women was wool, though linen was known and prized, and cotton from Egypt and silk from the far east are not unheard of. White wool garments acquire a yellowish tinge in the course of months of wear, and this was no doubt their common aspect; so men who wished to announce to the world their willingness to accept public office would have their togas artificially whitened by rubbing over with chalk, whence our word "candidate." There was little use of hats, but parasols were carried by slaves over ladies' heads, to protect them from sun and rain.

Thus, with many striking differences. they had also much in common with our own time. Human nature is the same in all ages and climes, and if we could drop down suddenly into the midst of ancient Roman life, we should not find it impossible to adapt ourselves to it.

HENRY NELSON BULLARD, PH. D.

IV. The Kansas Troubles.

As the century pressed on through its fifth decade the inhabitants of southern and western Missouri were ready to welcome any suggestion that would change the conditions of the Missouri Compromise. It was in this portion of the state that slavery was strongest and here the spirit that would hesitate at nothing to advince its cause first gained its hold in the state. The slave-holders along the western border, especially below where the river formed more than an imaginary line of boundary between the state and the vast territorial expanse, saw how the value of the slave property was sure to be menaced and perhaps destroyed by the building up of Kansas as a free state. It was considered officially and individually that slavery must enter the territory west of Missouri or slavery would meet a speedy end in that state. The Missouri Compromise stood in the way. Then it must go down. Senator David R. Atchison, who represented Missouri for 14 years in Congress, and for whom one of the larger Kansas cities of today received its name, was the leader of the slavery party. During Pierce's administration, because of the death of William R. King in April of 1853, Atchison as president pro tem. of the Senate was Vice President of the United States in line of succession.* He was foremost among the leaders of the slavery fight for Kansas. The first move was against the Compromise. Thirty-five years had passed since its passage by men who thought they were laying aside forever the problem which menaced their country's welfare. At last "that barrier against the northward flow of slavery was swept away at the demand of men who did not foresee that they would thus remove the barrier which equally obstructed the southward flow of liberty. It was as if a canal should be cut across the plain of Esdraelon, to drain the waters of the Dead Sea into the Mediter*Schouler: History of the United States. V. 321.

ranean. Considering the different levels of the two seas and their respective volumes of water, which way would the water flow?"+

As soon as the Kansas-Nebraska bill was signed, parties from Missouri rushed across the line and picked out the best locations. All that had been asked was the opening of the question whether the proposed state should be free or slave, and the Missourians were confident of their ability to decide the question to their own satisfaction. Some who were not prosperous in Missouri were able to better themselves and they became genuine settlers in the new localities, but the majority intended to live at the old homes and only exercise the right of suffrage in the forming of the new government. On the 19th of June, 1854, there met a pro-slavery convention to lay out their plans. As yet none of the New England settlers had arrived, though rumors of those plans of colonizing had their part in hastening this and several similar gatherings of the Missouri Kansans. They realized that to gain the state, slavery must be well established before the opposing element arrived on the scene. Such men as Atchison and B. F. Stringfellow were untiring in their agitation of the need to hurry slaves into Kansas. Atchison, Leavenworth, and several towns now lost almost to memory or left behind in the later developments of the state, sprang up here and there along the river. These were strongly pro-slavery in sentiment. Being on the river, these cities formed the centers of the plotting and plans of the Missouri slave element. Here gathered the expeditions which flooded the territory at election time.

In the meantime the opposition was crystalizing. In New England interest was awakened. Eli Thayer, of Worcester started what afterwards became the Emigrant Aid Society. He, with a number of prominent New England men raised money, stirred up sentiment and arranged several companies of emigrants for Kansas. These were men who mixed with the purpose of making for themselves homes in the new land, firm principles of right and a deepseated belief that these principles were unalterably

See article in the New York Independent, Feb. 20, 1890. H. A. Nelson: The Regeneration of Missouri.

Spring: Kansas. 26.

opposed to slavery. These men were very different from the Missourians who had been pouring into the territory. Those who came from the north came to stay. They pledged themselves to settle permanently and only a very few failed to keep their word. Those who came from Missouri and the south had no intention of staying except for the time. It was a small minority of them who became real settlers. The work in the east was pushed with vigor and considerable success. About $140,000 was raised and used in this work and nearly 1,500 colonists were located in Kansas.°

However, though this may seem to have been a small undertaking when we examine the figures, we can get the best idea of what it meant for Kansas by noticing what the other party bad to say concerning it. We find the Emigrant Aid Society assailed on all sides. The Missouri estimate is given by Senator Green several years later. He claimed that slavery would have reaped its harvest in Kansas except for the "hot bed plants that have been planted in Kansas through the instrumentality of the Emigrant Aid Society." Senator Douglas also was very decided in his opinion of the "unholy combinations in New England." Such cities as Topeka, later to become the capital of the state, and Lawrence, where the free state interests were to receive such a terrible baptism of blood toward the end of the war, were setled by these immigrants. Most of these settlements were made far enough from the river to give them some protection from entirely unexpected attacks. At first the only violence was of fered in attempts to stop the settlers on their way. After some time their passage across Missouri became impossible and they were compelled to make their way through Iowa.

It was not till after the election of 1855 that open violence convulsed the territory. Gov. Reeder crossed the Missouri October 7th, 1854, and was received with open arms by the proslavery party. The first election came that November. In it there was little interest. A delegate to Congress was to be elected and there was little opposition to the candidate of the proslavery party. Still preparation was made for a numerous in"Spring: Kansas. 32.