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If anything be found in the national constitution, either by original provvision or subsequent interpretation, which ought not to be in it, the people know how to get rid of it. If any construction be established, unacceptable to them, so as to become, practically, a part of the constitution, they will amend it at their own sovereign pleasure. But while the people choose to maintain it as it is, while they are satisfied with it, and refuse to change it, who has given, or who can give, to the state legislatures a right to alter it, either by interference, construction, or otherwise? Gentlemen do not seem to recollect that the people have any power to do anything for themselves; they imagine there is no safety for them any longer than they are under the close guardianship of the state legislatures. Sir, the people have not trusted their safety, in regard to the general constitution, to these hands they have required other security, and taken other bonds. They have chosen to trust themselves, first to the plain words of the instrument, and to such construction as the government itself, in doubtful cases, should put on its own powers, under their oaths of office, and subject to their responsibility to them; just as the people of a state trust their own state governments with a similar power. Secondly, they have reposed their trust in the efficacy of frequent elections, and in their own power to remove their own servants and agents, whenever they see cause. Thirdly, they have reposed trust in the judicial power, which, in order that it might be trustworthy, they have made as respectable, as disinterested, and as independent as practicable. Fourthly, they have seen fit to rely, in case of necessity, or high expediency, on their known and admitted power to alter or amend the constitution, peaceably and quietly, whenever experience shall point out defects or imperfections. And finally, the people of the United States have at no time, in no way, directly or indirectly, authorized any state legislature to construe or interpret their instrument of government; much less to interfere, by their own power, to arrest its course and operation.

If sir, the people, in these respects, had done otherwise than they have done, their constitution could neither have been preserved, nor would it have been worth preserving. And if its plain provision shall now be disregarded, and these new doctrines interpolated in it, it will become as feeble and helpless a being as enemies, whether early or more recent, could possibly desire. It will exist in every state, but as a poor dependant on state permission. It must borrow leave to be, and will be, no longer than state pleasure, or state discretion, sees fit to grant the indulgence, and to prolong its poor existence.

But, sir, although there are fears, there are hopes also. The people have preserved this, their own chosen constitution, for forty years, and have seen their happiness, prosperity, and renown grow with its growth and strengthen with its strength. They are now, generally, strongly attached to it. Overthrown by direct assault it cannot be; evaded, undermined, NULLIFIED, it will not be, if we, and those who shall succeed us here, as agents and representatives of the people, shall conscientiously and vigilantly discharge the two great branches of our public trust-faithfully to preserve and wisely to administer it.

Mr. President, I have thus stated the reasons of my dissent to the doctrines which have been advanced and maintained. I am conscious of having detained you, and the Senate, much too long. I was drawn into the debate with no previous deliberation such as is suited to the discussion of so grave and important a subject. But it is a subject of which my heart is full, and I have not been willing to suppress the utterance of its spontaneous sentiments.

I cannot, even now, persuade myself to relinquish it, without expressing once more, my deep conviction, that since it respects nothing less than the union of the states, it is of most vital and essential importance to the public happiness, I profess, sir in my career hitherto, to have kept steadily in view the prosperity and honor of the whole country, and the preservation of our Federal Union. It is to that Union we owe our safety at home, and our consideration and dignity abroad. It is to that Union we are chiefly indebted for whatever makes us most proud of our country. That Union we reached only by the discipline of our virtues in the severe school of adversity. It had its origin in the necessites of disordered finance, prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its benign influences, these great interests, immediately awoke, as from the dead, and sprang forth with newness of life. Every year of its duration has teemed with fresh proofs of its utility and its blessings; and although our territory has stretched out wider and wider, and our population spread farther and faither, they have not outrun its protection or its benefits. It has been to us all a copious fountain of national, social, personal happiness. Thave not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the Union, to see what might lie hidden in the dark recess behind. I have not coolly weighed the chances of preserving liberty, when the bonds that unite us together shall be broken asunder. I have not accustomed myself to hang over the precipice of disunion, to see whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss below; nor could I regard him as a safe counsellor in the affairs of this government, whose thoughts should be mainly bent on considering, not how the Union should be best preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of the people when it shall be broken up and destroyed. While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread out before us, for us and our children. Beyond that I seek not to penetrate the veil. God grant that in my day at least, that curtain may not rise. God grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies behind. When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once-glorious Union; on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood! Let their last feeble and lingering glance, rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured -bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as, What is all this worth? nor those other words of delusion and folly, Liberty first, and Union afterwards; but every where, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart - Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable!

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OORE'S RURAL NEW-YORKER:

A WEEKLY HOME JOURNAL,

Designed for both Country and Town Residents.

E RURAL NEW-YORKER has already attained an extensive circulation and high reputation. It embraces more Agriral, Horticultural, Mechanical,- Educational, Scientific, Literary and News matter, interspersed with numerous avings, than any other paper in the Union-and has no superior as an

AGRICULTURAL, LITERARY AND FAMILY NEWSPAPER!

various Departments are under the supervision of an efficient corps of Editors, who are determined to render vhole paper USEFUL, PURE, and ENTERTAINING. The Fourth Volume, commencing January, 1853, will surpass r of its predecessors - exhibiting, continuously, "progress and improvement" in both CONTENTS and APPEARANCE. ar motto is Excelsior, we shall strive to keep the RURAL in the van-maintaining its reputation as the

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FORM AND TERMS OF THE PAPER.

e NEW-YORKER is published in the BEST STYLE. Each number contains EIGHT DOUBLE QUARTO PAGES, (forty col3) illustrated with ENGRAVINGS. A Title Page, Index, &c., at the close of each volume, complete for binding. It is ounced by its Patrons and the Press the MODEL PAPER of its class, in both Contents and Appearance, and we in all who desire a FIRST CLASS JOURNAL, for the Home Circle, to give it an examination, and, if approved, support. rms- IN ADVANCE:- Two dollars a year — $1 for six months. Three copies one year for $5; Six copies, and one ent, for $10; Ten copies, and one to agent, for $15; Twenty copies, for $25. Large Premiums for subscribers.

imen Numbers, Premium List, &c., sent free to all post-paid applicants. Give us your address.

or $2 we will send the RURAL one year, and either vol. of the Wool Grower and Stock Register.]

In judging of its cost, bear in mind that the RURAL is not a monthly of twelve issues yearly, but a large and iful Weekly of FIFTY-TWO Numbers! - and that the postage on it within this State is only 13 cents a year, and but ts to any part of the Union.

BSCRIBE EARLY! if you wish to commence with the New Year and volume. Subscription money, properly end, may be mailed at our risk.

c. 1852.

Address,

D. D. T. MOORE, ROCHESTER, N. Y.

THE WOOL GROWER AND STOCK REGISTER,

AN ILLUSTRATED MONTHLY JOURNAL,

Deboted to the Interests of Wool Growers, Stock Breeders, Graziers, &c.

us JOURNAL is the only one published in America, primarily devoted to the Interests of Wool Growers, Stock BreedGraziers, Dairymen, &c., and should be in the hands of

EVERY OWNER OF DOMESTIC ANIMALS.

he Fourth Volume, commencing July, 1852, will embrace a vast amount of USEFUL and RELIABLE information in rd to Wool and Stock, which can be obtained from no other source. It is conducted ably and independently, pub d in the VERY BEST STYLE, and illustrated with

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racing Portraits from life of Sheep, Cattle, Horses, Swine, Poultry, etc.,-Designs of Farm Buildings, &c., &¤«proper descriptions. Each No. contains a careful Review of the WooL and CATTLE MARKETS.

TERMS,- ONLY FIFTY CENTS A YEAR:

Copies for $2; Eight for $3; Eleven for $4; Twenty for 87,- in advance. Back No's and volumes furnished.

he WOOL GROWER AND STOCK REGISTER is published in a form suitable for binding-each number containing sixteen ge Octavo Pages, with Title Page, Index, &c., at the close of each volume. Specimen numbers sent free to pplicants. Subscription money, properly enclosed, may be mailed at our risk. Address,

ec., 1852.

D. D. T. MOORE, ROCHESTER, N. Y.

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CHEAP PUBLICATION HOUSE.

AND GENERAL AGENCY OFFICE FOR ALL MAGAZINES AND NEWSPAPERS PUBLISHED IN THE WORLD.

Dealers in Western New York have long felt the want of a Cheap Publication House, where they might obtain their goods at REASONABLE RATES. It gives us great pleasure in announcing that such a House was established by us in 1851. There are many who have already availed themselves of the

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Post-masters and others, are requested to act as agents in procuring and forwarding subscriptions for all the Magazines and Literary Papers of any note published in the country. A LIBERAL PER CENTAGE ALLOWED.

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(near R. R. Depot.)

ROCHESTER, JAN. 1, 1853.

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