erto been transmitted to their posterity. Moreover, in all new countries (and especially in this, which was settled by private adventurers), there is a more equal division of property amongst the people; in consequence of which, their influence and authority must be nearly equal, and every man will think himself deeply interested in the support of public liberty. Freedom and equality is the state of nature; but slavery is the most unnatural and violent state that can be conceived of, and its approach must be gradual and imperceptible. In many old countries, where, in a long course of years, some particular families have been able to acquire a very large share of property, from which must arise a kind of aristocracy, that is, the power and authority of some persons or families is exercised in proportion to the decrease of the independence and property of the people in general; — had America been prepared in this manner for the Stamp Act, it might perhaps have met with a more favorable reception; but it is absurd to attempt to impose so cruel a yoke on a people who are so near to the state of original equality, and who look upon their liberties not merely as arbitrary grants, but as their unalienable, eternal rights, purchased by the blood and treasure of their ancestors, which liberties, though granted and received as acts of favor, could not, without manifest injustice, have been refused, and cannot now, or at any time hereafter, be revoked. Certainly, if the connection was rightly understood, Great Britain would be convinced that, without laying arbitrary taxes upon her colonies, she may and does reap such advantages as ought to satisfy her. Indeed, it amazes the more judicious people on this side the water, that the late minister was so unacquainted with the state of America, and the manners and circumstances of the people; or, if he was acquainted, it still surprises them to find a man, in his high station, so ignorant of nature, and of the operations of the human mind, as madly to provoke the resentment of millions of men who would esteem death, with all its tortures, preferable to slavery. Most certainly, in whatever light the Stamp Act is viewed, an uncommon want of policy is discoverable. If the real and only motive of the minister was to raise money from the colonies, that method should undoubtedly have been adopted which was least grievous to the people. Instead of this, the most unpopular that could be imagined is chosen. If there was any jealousy of the colonies, and the minister designed by this act more effectually to secure their dependence on Great Britain, the jealousy was first groundless. But if it had been founded on good reasons, could anything have been worse calculated to answer this purpose? Could not the minister have found out, either from history or from his own observation, that the strength of any country depended on its being united within itself? Has he not, by this act, brought about what the most zealous colonist never could have expected? The colonies, until now, were ever at variance, and foolishly jealous of each other. They are now, by the refined policy of Mr. George Grenville, united for their common defence against what they believe to be oppression; nor will they soon forget the weight which this close union gives them. The impossibility of accounting in any other way for the imposition of the stamp duty has induced some to imagine that the minister designed by this act to force the colonies into a rebellion, and from thence to take occasion to treat them with severity, and, by military power, reduce them to servitude. But this supposes such a monstrous degree of wickedness, that charity forbids us to conclude him guilty of so black a villany. But, admitting this to have been his aim (as it is known that tyrannical ministers have at some time embraced even this hellish measure to accomplish their cursed designs), should he not have considered that every power in Europe looks with envy on the colonies which Great Britain enjoys in America? Could he suppose that the powerful and politic France would be restrained by treaties, when so fair an opportunity offered for the recovery of their ancient possessions? At least, was he so ignorant of nature as not to know that when the rage of the people is raised by oppression to such a height as to break out in rebellion, any new alliance would be preferred to the miseries which a conquered country must necessarily expect to suffer? And would no power in Europe take advantage of such an occasion? And, above all, did he not know that his royal, benevolent master, when he discovered his views, would detest and punish him? But whatever was proposed by the Stamp Act, of this I am certain, that the regard which the colonies still bear to His Majesty arises more from an exalted idea of His Majesty's integrity and goodness of heart than from any prudent conduct of his late minister. "I have written, sir, much more than I intended when I first sat down, but I hope you will pardon my prolixity upon so important a subject. "I am, sir, your most sincere friend and humble servant, "To Mr. EDMUND DANA. "P. S. I hope for the favor of a line from you, the first opportunity." Gen. Warren published three highly spirited articles, in the Boston Gazette, originated by the exercise of the arbitrary powers of Gov. Bernard, in negativing councillors elected by the representatives; and further, for severe censures on leading members of the house, unjustly expressed in letters addressed to Lord Shelburne, the king's minister of state, who, in reply, unequivocally sanctioned his measures, and also expressed displeasure that the house should object to the lieutenantgovernor, who was not a member of the council, taking a seat in that body. In the first of these articles, Warren's quotation from Rochester excited the ire of Bernard, who sent a message to the house, and another to the council, declaring the article libellous, and calling it to their serious consideration. The council pronounced it an insolent and licentious attack, and that the author deserved punishment. The house expressed a different opinion, and that the liberty of the press is a great bulwark of the liberty of the people. There were fifty-six in the affirmative, to eighteen in the negative. It was introduced to the grand jury, who would not find a bill of indictment. As these are all of the political newspaper productions of Warren that we have discovered, and as they are strongly characteristic of his energy of character, they are here presented entire. Bradford, in his History of Massachusetts, not appearing to be aware that Warren was the author, remarks of the first communication, that it was "a very scurrilous piece." Pemberton, Dorr, and Rees, in the Cyclopedia, ascribe them to him. Hutchinson alludes to it as "a most abusive piece against the governor." From Boston Gazette, Feb. 29, 1768. "MESSRS. EDES & GILL, We have for a long time known your enmity to this province. We have had full proof of your cruelty to a loyal people. No age has perhaps furnished a more glaring instance of obstinate perseverance in the path of malice than is now exhibited in your Could you have reaped any advantage from injuring this people, there would have been some excuse for the manifold abuses with which you have loaded them. But when a diabolical thirst for mischief is the alone motive of your conduct, you must not wonder if you are treated with open dislike; for it is impossible, how much soever we endeavor it, to feel any esteem for a man like you. Bad as the world may be, there is yet in every breast something which points out the good man as an object worthy of respect, and marks the guileful, treacherous man-hater, for disgust and infamy. "Nothing has ever been more intolerable than your insolence on a late occasion, when you had, by your jesuitical insinuations, induced a worthy minister of state to form a most unfavorable opinion of the province in general, and some of the most respectable inhabitants in particular. You had the effrontery to produce a letter from his lordship, as a proof of your success in calumniating us. Surely you must suppose we have lost all feeling, or you would not dare thus tauntingly to display the trophies of your slanders, and upbraidingly to make us sensible of the inexpressible misfortunes which you have brought upon us. But I refrain, lest a full representation of the hardships suffered by this too long insulted people should lead them to an unwarrantable revenge. We never can treat good and patriotic rulers with too great reverence. But it is certain that men totally abandoned to wickedness can never merit our regard, be their stations ever so high. "If such men are by God appointed, "A TRUE PATRIOT." From Boston Gazette, March 7, 1768. "MESSRS. EDES & GILL, "Please to insert the following: "My first performance has, by a strange kind of compliment, been by some applied to his excellency Gov. Bernard. It is not for me to account for the construction put upon it. Every man has a right to make his own remarks, and if he satisfies himself, he will not displease me. I will, however, inform the public that I have the most sacred regard to the characters of all good men, and would sooner cut my hand from my body than strike at the reputation of an honest member of the community. But there are circumstances, in which not justice alone, but humanity itself, obliges us to hold up the villain to view, and expose his guilt, to prevent his destroying the innocent. Whoever he is whose conscience tells him he is not the monster I have portraited, may rest assured I did not aim at him; but the person who knows the black picture exhibited to be his own, is welcome to take it to himself. The imputation of disaffection to the king and the government, brought against me by His Majesty's Council, I shall answer only by a quotation from the paper which they have been pleased to censure, where I say, 'We can never treat good and patriotic rulers with too great reverence.' In which sentence I hope the honorable board will not say I have omitted to declare my sentiments of the duty which every good subject owes to his present majesty, and all worthy subordinate magistrates; and I flatter myself that the sentiments of the board coincide with mine. If they do not, I must dissent from them. Their charge of profaneness, I humbly apprehend, was occasioned by their forcing a sense upon the two last lines totally different from what I intended they should convey. My design was to compare wicked men, and especially wicked magistrates, to those enemies to mankind, the devils; and to intimate that the devils themselves might boast of divine authority to seduce and ruin mankind, with as much reason and justice as wicked rulers can pretend to derive from God, or from his word, a right to oppress, harass, and enslave their fellowcreatures. The beneficent Lord of the universe delights in viewing the happiness of all men. And so far as civil government is of divine institution, it was calculated for the greatest good of the whole community; and whenever it ceases to be of general advantage, it ceases to be of divine appointment, and the magistrates in such a community have no claim to that honor which the Divine Legislator has assigned to magistrates of his election. I hope the honorable board will not condemn a man for expressing his contempt for the odious doctrines of divine hereditary right in princes, and of passive obedience, which he thinks dishonorary to Almighty God, the common and impartial Father of the species, and ruinous both to kings and subjects; and which, if adhered to, would dethrone his present majesty, and destroy the British nation. The honorable board is humbly requested to examine whether the above is not the most natural and obvious sense of the quoted lines. Certainly, when I read them, I thought it the only sense; and I shall think myself very unhappy in my readers, should they generally put that construction upon them which the honorable board have been pleased to adopt. "I shall, at all times, write my sentiments with freedom, and with decency too, the rules of which I am not altogether unacquainted with. While the press is open, I shall publish whatever I think conducive to general emolument; when it is suppressed, I shall look upon my country as lost, and, with a steady fortitude, expect to feel the general shock. A TRUE PATRIOT." |