THE FLEET PAPERS. LONDON: PUBLISHED BY JOHN PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND, AND BENJAMIN STEILL, 20, PATERNOSTER ROW. FORMS OF PETITIONS FOR THE TEN HOURS' FACTORY BILL. "Either of the following forms of petitions may be adopted, and written on common paper; one signature, at least, must be written on the same sheet as that upon which the petition itself is written. If sent by post to any member of Parliament, leaving the cover open at both ends, it will go free. "To the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled, The Petition of the undersigned Inhabitants and Factory Labourers of in the County of "Humbly sheweth,-That your Petilioners are, many of them, engaged in factory labour, and all your Petitioners know, as your Honourable House must also know, that great hardships and privations are frequently suffered by the factory hands, owing to fluctuations in the trade and commerce of the country; that they suffer alternately from excessive work, from short work, and from no work; that, in times of manufacturing and commercial prosperity, they are exhausted by long hours of toil; and that, in times of depression and distress, they struggle on short work and short pay, while many are driven to apply to the parish from a total want of employment. 66 That, at the present moment, many thousands of factory hands are suffering the privations above described; while, at the same time, many are also suffering from excess of toil. "That your Petitioners have heard it said that the fluctuations experienced in trade and commerce arise either from alterations of the currency, or from the excessive speculations of manufacturers and merchants, both of which are matters beyond the controul of the operatives, though they produce consequences destructive to their happiness. "To remedy, in some measure, the evils that your Petitioners complain of, they pray your Honourable House to pass a law to limit the labour of all persons employed in factories, and who are above thirteen years of age, to ten hours a day for five days in the week, and eight hours on the Saturday. "And your Petitioners will ever pray." "To the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled, The Petition of the undersigned Inhabitants and Factory Labourers of in the County of · - Sheweth, That your petitioners reside in a district where numbers of male and female persons, above the age of thirteen years, are employed in factories an unreasonable number of hours per day when on full work. That twelve hours labour per day in factories at the present time is more exhausting to many of the factory labourers, in consequence of the increased labour they have to perform, from the increased speed at which the machinery is driven, than a longer number of hours' labour than twelve per day was formerly. "That your Petitioners beg further to state to your Honourable House, that, for the last five years, owing in part to the amazing increase of the number of factories since 1834, factory employment has become much more uncertain than it was before this increase of factories took place; and that, during these five years, numbers that did work in factories have lost employment altogether, numbers more have been put on short time, and another portion have been working excessive hours, which has been injurious to their health, destructive to their morals, and has left them no time, such as rational beings should have, for either education or recreation. "That your Petitioners believe that it would conduce to the interest and add to the satisfaction of factory occupiers, as wellas factory workers, if the labour performed in factories was better distributed than it now is ; and that no persons should be allowed to work in factories excessive hours-not longer than ten in any one day. "Your Petitioners, therefore, humbly pray your Honourable House to pass a Bill to limit the labour of all persons who work in factories, and who are above thirteen years of age, to ten hours a day for five days in the week, and eight hours on the Saturday" And your Petitioners will ever pray." THE TEN HOURS' FACTORY QUESTION. Interview with Sir Robert Peel, Bart., First Lord of the Treasury. (Continued from the last Number.) "The Deputation continued,-"In order to the enactment of good measures, full information is necessary. We have had inquiries into almost every question but this, which we believe lies at the root of all the difficulties we experience. We deprecate hasty legislation, but we also earnestly desire to see substantive measures adopted; and the course we respectfully suggest seems to us well calculated to insure immediate satisfaction and future permanent relief. If we have been bold in offering our opinions, it is because we feel the importance of the position which we are now permitted to occupy, and fully appreciate the vast influence which your decisions will have upon the happiness and prosperity of our own class, which has its stake in national well-being equally with that class who are the lords of vast possessions. You, Sir Robert, are now placed in the most important and commanding position of any individual in Europe, perhaps in the world. At the head of a strong Government, with a powerful majority in the Commons, and an influential portion of the population thinking with you; unfettered, as you have declared yourself to be, save by your own convictions, of what is right and useful; the resources of an empire on which the sun is said never to set-an empire unparalleled in its natural and artificial appliances-at your command, and a population whose enterprize, industry, and genius are proverbial, looking up to you; agrave, an awful responsibility rests upon you, Sir Robert! The means for producing national well-being are superabundant; the population is but limited. Broad and comprehensive views, vigorous and decided action, are all called for by the exigencies of the times, and we earnestly hope that such will mark your course. "Sir Robert, who seemed to be much affected by this appeal, paused some moments after its conclusion, and then replied-Well, gentlemen, I have listened with deep interest to your statements, and feel obliged by your waiting on me. I am free to confess that there is much force in what you have advanced; and that the evils you complain of are manifold and great, especially those which press upon the manufacturing operative. also fear that an extension of our manufactures will not afford the relief desired; for past experience, I think, shows that such an extension would only bring into play more machinery, and not employ manual labour in anything like the rate of the increase in the machine department. Of course, I cannot pledge myself to any particular Ine of action in respect to the measure you advocate.' The Deputation. We do not wish it, we do not wish it. "Sir R. Peel.—But I shall give the subject that full and attentive consideration which its importance and various bearings deserve, and should I come to a different conclusion to that you hold, I shall do so with a confident reliance on the intelligence, moderation, and good feeling you have now displayed, assured that these conclusions and the reasons I may adduce for them will receive a calm and impartial examination. "The Deputation repeated, that they had no wish to draw from the Premier any premature avowals of his policy. Their sole object was to make a true and full statement of the condition of those whose interests, they represented in the spirit of friendship to all parties. They sought not the injury of any class, but the welfare of all; and they believed that the policy and measures they recommended would insure this commendation. They wished it to be understood, that they had no antipathy whatever to the masters-no desire to injure them. They neither accused them of selfishHess nor cruelty. It was the system which made them what they were; and the object the deputation had in view, was to alter the system in as gradual and beneficial a manner for all parties as possible. "The Deputation then rose to take leave, observing, that they had some thoughts of waiting upon Sir James Graham, and asked Sir Robert if it would be advisable or necessary? To which he replied, Certainly, I think you had better see Sir James, and also Mr. Gladstone.' Sir Robert immediately wrote notes of introduction to those two gentlemen, and rang for a messenger to accompany the Deputation to their respective offices; after which he most courteously bade the Deputation farewell, again expressing the satisfaction the interview had afforded him. The impression left on the minds of every one of the Deputation, on retiring, was, that Sir R. Peel is fully aware of the great source of our evils at the present moment, and that he sincerely sympathizes with the working classes. It is but fair to add, that the emphatic words which dropped from the lips of one of the members of the Deputation, after they withdrew—' Well, at all events, it is clear that Sir R. Peel has a heart,' conveyed the unanimous feeling of all. (No. 2.) Interview with Sir James Graham, Bart., Secretary of State for the "Previous to waiting upon Sir J. Graham, which they did the same day, namely, on the 28th of October, the deputation proceeded to the residence of Mr. W. Beckett, M.P. for Leeds, with whom they had a very satisfactory interview the day before their conference with the Premier, and who had then, in the most frank manner, offered his services, in any way which the deputation might think best calculated to further the object in view, either by accompanying them to the different Ministers, or otherwise. The deputation were, in the first instance, afraid that the object of their mission might be associated with the idea of a party measure, if they accepted this kind offer, and therefore respectfully declined it in the case of the interview with the Premier; but upon reconsidering the subject, they were induced to come to the conclusion that Mr. Beckett's countenance and assistance would tend to promote the object of their mission, and, therefore, subsequently made an appointment with that gentleman, which they now proceeded to fulfil. Mr. Beckett listened with deep interest and evident gratification to the account of their interview with Sir Robert Peel, and immediately accompanied them to the Home Office, where, after the lapse of a few minutes, they were introduced to Sir James Graham, who received them most courteously. • The Deputation briefly stated the leading features of the measure which they were sent to press upon the attention of the Government. Sir James Graham asked if they had considered what effect a restriction of the labour of all factory workers between the ages of 13 and 21 to ten hours a day would have upon the manufacturing interests of the country. Do you not think,' said he, that it would very much aggravate the evils and the distress under which that portion of the community are now represented to be suffering?' "The Deputation replied, that if they thought such would be the result of the measure, they would be the last persons in the world to press for its adoption; but it was because, after a mature consideration of the subject in all its bearings, they had come to the conclusion that it would be a benefit, rather than an injury, that they now ventured respectfully to call the attention of the Government to the measure. "Sir J. Graham.-Well, but I want to know the reasons which induce you to form such an opinion. It will be argued by those opposed to your views that such an interference with the free use of capital and labour will necessarily place the British manufacturer at a disadvantage in the market of the world, as compared with his rivals, who are under no such restriction. Now, I wish to know whether you have looked at the question in this broad and economical light; or confined your attention entirely to the effects of the system upon the condition of the labourers themselves, and thus excluded from your calculation the general operation of such a restriction as you advocate? "The Deputation said they were, in the first place, convinced that they were justified in asking for this measure on the grounds of humanity, justice, and morality; and further, that it was in accordance with the soundest doctrines of political economy. They repudiated the idea of entertaining any hostile feeling towards the employers of capital and labour in the manufacturing departments of industry. They neither accused them of selfishness nor cruelty as a class, but they wished to alter the system which made it the interest of the employers to act in such a manner as to justify the use of such terms in relation to the treatment which the working classes received under its influence. The Deputation proceeded to show, at considerable length, that the destitute condition of the operatives, and the general difficulties existing among the employers in the manufacturing districts, arose from the neglect of the very first principles of political economy-a neglect which led to an over-supply, a supply greatly beyond the substantial demand for their productions. Since 1815, there had been a continual improvement going on in machinery, by which three times the amount of goods was now manufactured with less adult manual labour than was required in the previous period for the smaller quantity. What has been the result? Why, that they were now actually receiving for three times the quantity of goods less than the same amount of money which they got in 1815 for the one-third. It was not, therefore, to be wondered at that, coincident with this over-production of machine-made goods as compared with a substantial demand, wages and profits had both decreased; that the workmen who were still required had to work harder for a smaller remuneration, the capitalist for a lower rate of profit; and that pauperism had kept pace with each successive mechanical invention which displaced male adult labour, substituting in its place either the labour of mechanical automatons, or that of women and children. For these and other reasons, of which an outline only is here presented, the Deputation said they were firmly convinced that the measure they advocated was in accordance with the dictates of the soundest political economy, and calculated to lead back again to a greater amount of national well-being than could be anticipated from any of those remedial measures which contemplated a continuance in the false course which had already entailed such evil on the community. "Sir J. Graham, in reply, urged most of the reasons adduced by the free-trade party. He dwelt with great emphasis upon the possible results of a policy which, by placing our manu. facturers in a comparatively worse position than the manufacturers of the Continent and America, might ultimately render the capital of the former altogether profitless, and thereby induce them to close their mills altogether. He pictured the awful effects which such a course would have upon the thousands thickly congregated in the manufacturing districts, and entirely dependent on the continuance of our foreign trade for existence. He said it would be argued, that with such an intense and increasing rivalry on the part of foreigners as the Deputation had admitted, it would be impossible to interpose any checks to the production of manufactured goods in the cheapest possible way; unless indeed we were determined to give our rivals the advantage in the market, and thereby put a stop to our foreign trade altogether. www "The Deputation said, that the extension of the foreign trade in the manner in which that had of late years been effected, appeared to them calculated most certainly to produce the very results which Sir James Graham seemed anxious to avoid. "Sir James Graham here said, Understand me; I am not arguing as though I personally participate in these views; but my object is to show you what will be said, by those opposed to your views, and to ascertain the ground upon which you claim such a measure as a ten hours' restriction.' "The Deputation proceeded to say, that according to the arguments presented in favour of the policy of causing the operatives to be dependent on a foreign market for employment, it was admitted that our ascendency in those foreign markets could only be kept up by a continuous cheapening of the cost of production. How was that to be affected? It could not be done by reducing much lower the wages of the adult operatives. That class of labourers were as near the bare subsistence level,' when in full employ, as it was possible to place them. The only way, therefore, to do it was by still further displacing these adult and comparatively high-priced labourers by self-acting machinery, or machinery so contrived, that what little attendance it might require would be that of women and children, and as little even of that as possible; and thus we shall come to the same result. The great bulk of the labouring classes would be thrown idle, whether we extended or restricted our foreign trade under the present direction of machinery. "Sir J. Graham.-Yes, but not so rapidly. "The Deputation-It is a sorry conclusion, Sir James, to think that this perversion of human ingenuity should make the multiplication of means for the increase of national wealth offer us only the alternative of slow or speedy ruin. “Sir J. Graham.—Well! but how is it to be remedied? — I do not see any practical mode of averting it; do you? "The Deputation.-Yes, we think we do. "Sir J. Graham.-What would you recommend? "The Deputation.-The adoption of a comprehensive and efficient plan of home colonization; for which purpose we would advise the passing, at the expense of the nation, of a general wasteland enclosure bill, which would make provision for reasonable compensation to all those interested in these lands. We should then have a Parliamentary grant raised by loan, or by Exchequer bills, to be applied, under a board of controul, to the settling down upon these uncultivated but improvable wastes our now unemployed population; and if the waste lands were insufficient, we would recommend that the Government should have recourse to the Crown lands for the same purpose, and in the same way. This would increase real wealth at home, direct the energies of the people, in the first place, to provide food and shelter for themselves, and the surplus of their labour would form a fund for defraying the necessary expenses, and ultimately repaying the principal advanced. novo, but under pre "Sir J. Graham.-Ah! that might do very well if we were beginning de sent circumstances, it seems quite impracticable. "The Deputation.-Well, Sir James, you have just these alternatives either to commence this measure now gradually and peaceably, and thus avert the evils we have been anticipating, or to let the present system take its course, spreading destitution, pauperism, discontent, and disaffeetion, more and more widely, until it terminates in general disorganization and anarchy, and then to be forced to begin de novo, amid the wrecks of former institutions. "Sir J. Graham.-I hope matters are not likely to end in that way, and that our prospects are not so gloomy as you appear to think them. (To be continued.) NOTICE TO CORRESPONDENTS. Thanks to Mr. W. Cleaver, Baker Street, for his twopenny “Churchman's Almanac,” and his penny "Parson and Lady." VOLUME FIRST OF THE FLEET PAPERS May be had of the Publishers, in FIFTY-TWO NUMBERS, AT 2d. EACH, OR THIRTEEN PARTS, AT 9d. EACH. PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND, AND STEILL, 20, PATERNOSTER ROW. Mr. PAVEY is supplied with Title-pages, which, on application, will be given to those who wish to bind the volume. Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road. THE FLEET PAPERS. LONDON: PUBLISHED BY JOHN PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND, AND BENJAMIN STEILL, 20, PATERNOSTER ROW. NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS. Many persons inform Mr. Oastler, that it is asserted by the Leaguers, that he assisted the deputation from the West Riding Short Time Commitees to draw up their "Report." The assertion has no foundation in truth. The first time that Mr. Oustler read that "Report" was in the Times newspaper. He communicated to the readers of the Fleet Papers all that he knew about the "Report" in Vol. I, No. 46, of the Fleet Papers. He is not surprised that the Leaguers are vexed, that, for once, the Ten Hours' Bill Men have told their own tale to the Queen's Ministers, and have reported the same to the public, without the intervention of Commissioners. One or two more such interviews and “Reports" would, to use a vulgar phrase " Knock the wind out of the Leaguers." They would have wished "De big Quack" to have had “a finger in the pie." As to their ravings about the political and religious principles of the Deputies. let them look at home. They know that they have resolutions on their own books, that such things shall not be mentioned in the League, and that they have been coaxing the men of every party, and every creed, to unite with them, declaring that all political and religious differences shall be sunk in the League. On the 20th of December, 1841, Mr. Cobden addressed a letter (to which allusion is made in this Fleet Paper.) to the Manufacturers, Mill-owners, and other Capitalists of every shade of POLITICAL OPINION," striving to induce them all to join the League. In that letter, he says, "An enviable distinction awaits the man. or the body of men, who shall place the question "Banish from your councils every party of free trade beyond the pale of political faction." predilection. Let no man's opinions upon church or state policy be invaded or compromised. REGARD HIM AS A TRAITOR TO YOUR INTERESTS AND HIS OWN, who, at such a conference, shall breathe a syllable about Tory, Whig, or Radical." "Henceforth we should be united as a trading community upon commercial matters, although separated into parties, as before, upon other public questions." Why then should not the operatives of "every shade of political opinion” unite to defend themselves against their enemies? When the Leaguers have answered that question, it will be time enough to reason with them on the subject which seems to give them so much concern? How these shameless men can blow hot and cold! Poor fellows. they are angry, because. after all, some persons have too much sense to be gulled by them! That is the meaning of all their furious railing. I will not fear Then, as to the character of the Deputies. I have known them many years. to compare them (with much advantage to the deputies) with five of the best men, in the League, including their champion, Cobden. Will they accept the challenge?-Seeing that they have become so mighty scrupulous all of a sudden; they would do well, when they have time. to let the world know all about their Lecturers, who and what they are, from Acland down to Smith. The course which the Leaguers have taken with reference to the "Report," proves that it has stabbed them to the quick-it is a home, a dead thrust at them-done by ten hours' bill men.' They cannot deal with its arguments, so they bluster, fume, and rail about the persons. That is all about it. MESSRS, LACE AND ADDISON, Liverpool, are thanked for their obliging communication. Correspondents must wait. The "Report" must be inserted first--if for no other reason, because the greatest enemies of England-the Leaguers, hate it. |