.

oppression of poor children in factories, the poor in the Poor Law Bastiles, and the hypocrisy of the Anti-Corn-Law Leaguers.' We consider it a high privilege to have it in our power to call the attention of the Irish pubile to the merits of Mr. Oastler, and to his views as developed in his Fleeters. The last number that has reached us, will be found in our columns this morning. We cannot allow ourselves to conclude, without adding, that Mr. Oastler was one of the most powerful opponents of the bill of '29. He is still of the opinion that that bill must be repealed. An anecdote on this subject is so illustrative of the man, and exhibits a conduct so unusual, that we cannot avoid giving it here. He was at one time put into nomination for the borough of Huddersfield, with every likelihood of success. A gentlemen known to the citizens of Dublin, Mr. Vance--the highly respectable individual who was lately about to stand for this city-holding different opinions on this subject from those of Mr. Oastler, waited on him, and told him, that there was but one objection that he had to his polities, viz. that he, Mr. Oastler, had said, that if he had the power, he would instantly repeal the Emancipation Bill,' and that he hoped he would modify this declaration; for that it he did not retract it in some degree, he could not think of giving him his vote.' Oasiler, true to his principles, declared that he had spoken nothing but the truth, and that he could not, under any circumstances, either retract it or modify it. In consequenco of this, Mr. Vance and his friends did not vote for him, and he lost the election."-Dublin Morning Press, Feb. 15, 1842.

LETTER X.

ON COMMERCIAL ECONO M Y.

To J. R. M'CULLOCH, Esq.,

"SIR.-What a mighty conflict of human desire and human intellect is excited by the present state of our national interests! I think we may say, with truth, that the vast combination of circumstances which our country at this moment presents, has never been exceeded in the history of the world. It is the whole of these circumstances which is now brought on for discussion in Parliament; and therefore, the first thing to be considered is, What power of mind, and what information do we possess, which may enable us to discuss the momentous questions, so that the result may conduce to the welfare, peace, and happiness of our common country?

"We have been told lately by two of our leading statesmen-I mean Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell-that the principles on which the vast interests of the community depend, have been theoretically demonstrated, as well as practically acknowledged. If this be true, we need entertain no apprehension that bad consequences will result from projected changes. But the question to be put is, Whether what these statesmen have asserted be true? If they know it to be true, they can point out to us the writer and the statesman by whom such correct demonstration has heen made; and moreover, they can direct our attention to the precise passages by which such valuable knowledge has been communicated to the world.

"I will declare-without intending it offensively-that what Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell have asserted with regard to this great national subject, is not true, no such demonstration having hitherto been made. By my course of letters to you, I have brought under your notice the most important parts of that work, in which, if demonstration on such subjects is to be found at all in the range of our national literature, it is to be found there; and I have proved to you how incapable the leading writer has been of giving to the world demonstration. In confirmation of the judgment which I have thus ventured to pronounce, I will now cite your own estimate of the leading work on the science of Political Economy, that is, The Wealth of Nations.' The passages which I intend to quote, will not have reference to any particular branch of the work or of the science, but will comprehend the great general character of the one, and the great general principles of the other. I will show, that you have, in the first place, expressed your most unqualfied approbation of Adam Smith's work; and, in the second place, that you have proceeded to allege against it such exceptions as destroy entirely your judgment of approbation.

"In your Principles of Political Economy,' page 56. there is as follows: At length, in 1776, our illustrious countryman Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations,' a work which has done for political economy what the Essay of Locke did for the philosophy of mind. In this work, the science was, for the first time, treated in its fullest extent; and the FUNDAMENTAL principles on which the production of wealth depends, established beyond the reach of cavil and dispute.'

Again, at page 58, you say 'In adopting the discoveries of others, he has made them his own; he has demonstrated the truth of principles on which his predecessors had, in most cases, stumbled by chance- has separated them from the errors by which they were encumbered, traced their remote consequences, and pointed out their limitations-has shown their practical importance and real value, their mutual dependence and relation—and has reduced them into a consistent, harmonious, and beautiful system.'

"And again, when treating of restrictions on commerce and the prohibitive system, you have written, page 158, the following passage: But its complete overthrow was reserved for Dr. Smith, who has examined and refuted the various arguments in favour of commercial restrictions in the most able and masterly manner, and with an amplitude of illustration, that leaves NOTHING to be desired,'

"After perusing the passages which I have now cited, whereby, on account of the great and unqualified commendation they bestow, the mind of the reader is induced to entertain a notion of completeness or perfection respecting the work of which they were written, it excites no little surprise to find the following matter written by you, and inserted too in the very same page as that wherefrom the second quotation is taken :- But however excellent in many respects, still it cannot be denied, that there are errors, and those too of no slight importance, in the Wealth of Nations.' Dr. Smith does not say, that, in prosecuting such branches of industry as are most advantageous to themselves, individuals necessarily prosecute such as are, at the same time, most advantageous to the public. His leaning to the system of M. Quesnaya leaning perceptible in every part of his work-made him so far swerve from the sounder principles of his own system, as to admit that the preference shown by individuals in favour of particular employments is not always a true test of their public advantageousness. He considered agriculture, though not the only productive employment, as the most productive of any; the home trade as more productive than the direct foreign trade; and the latter than the carrying trade. It is clear, however, that these distinctions are all FUNDAMENTALLY ERRONEOUS.'

"Now, Sir, the list of exceptions which you have here advanced is most formidable both in number and character. In one passage, you have declared, that the fundamental principles on which the production of wealth depends, have been established beyond the reach of cavil and dispute. You have said, also, that Dr. Smith has constructed a consistent, harmonious, and beautiful system, his illustration of the subject having been so ample, as to leave nothing to be desired. Having advanced this, you then, within the space of two succeeding pages, reverse your judgment, by declaring, that the doctrine which Dr. Smith has inculcated respecting the value to a country of its home trade, of its foreign trade, and of its carrying trade, is fundamentally erroneous. Thus, by your own ad nission, your consistent, harmonious, and beautiful system is replete with error.

Great, however, as your admissions are which I have now noticed respecting the erroneous nature of these doctrines, greater yet remain to be adduced; for I find in your work the following passage, at the bottom of the same page from which I have just made extracts: Perhaps, however, the PRINCIPAL DEFECT in the Wealth of Nations,' consists in the erroneous doctrines laid down with respect to the invariable value of corn, and the effect of fluctuations in wages, and profits on prices. These have prevented Dr. Smith from acquiring clear and accurate notions respecting the nature and causes of rent, and the laws which govern the rate of profit; and have, in consequence, vitiated the theoretical conclusions in those parts of his work which treat of the distribution of wealth and the principles of taxation.

Now, if one proposition alone be selected from your list of exceptions, it will be sufficient to place all the great conclusions of the work in abeyance. It is this-The laws which govern the rate of profit. You say, that Dr. Smith has not been able to acquire clear and accurate notions respecting the laws which govern the rate of profit. The question then is, What does this importaut word Profit comprehend? Why, it comprehends the whole subject of national wealth; and in this you concur, for at page 106 of your Principles' you write thus:- It is so constituted, that in the vast majority of cases, more wealth or produce is obtained, through the agency of a given quantity of labour, than is required to enable it to be performed. This surplus or excess of produce has been denominated profit, and it is from it that ALL CAPITAL HAS BEEN DERIVED.' Such is your admission on this important point, and its truth is so obvious, as to preclude all doubt. As, then, the object required is capital or wealth-as profit is a term signifying the increase of capital or wealth-so, failing to find the laws which govern the rate of profit, is failing to find the laws of the formation of capital; or, in other words, failing to develope the whole subject-matter of the science.

"Such is the judgment which truth compels me to pronounce respecting that work which is called our great leading work on the science of Political Economy; and in this judgment your work also is embraced; and yet these, together with other works of a similar character, though of less preteusion, are the foundation of public opinion- the sources from which our principles of commercial legislation are derived.

"Notwitstanding these great, palpable, and admitted errors and deficiences, there are statesmen and statesmen too who have been elevated by the people to the foremost rank of influence and of power-who presume to trifle so greatly with the dearest interests of their country, as to proclaim, that we have no need of further investigation, for that demonstration having been effected, all we have to do is, to adopt the practice which they sanction. Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, and other statesmen and writers, may succeed in concealing their delinquencies amidst the conflicts, the confusion, the social strife, and the increased poverty and wretchedness of the people, and may delude many more persons into a belief that they are wise men and patriots; but it is not impossible, that a period may arrive when prejudices, which have their origin in passion, ignorance, and confidence unworthily bestowed, shall be dispelled, and when false policy shall be discerned in all its abominable deformity, though it is to be feared that this will not occur until the vital strength of our powerful and noble country shall have sustained irreparable injury. May the spirit of God enlighten and avert! "I remain, Sir,

"No. 13, Doughty Street, Feb. 21, 1842."

"Your obedient Servant,
"WILLIAM ATKINSON."

R.O.

Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road, London.

THE

FLEET PAPERS.

LONDON: PUBLISHED BY

JOHN PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND,

AND

BENJAMIN STEILL, 20, PATERNOSTER ROW.

THESE Papers are principally intended for the perusal of the friends of Christianity and the Constitution; particularly the Clergy and the Aristocracy, and of all persons who are possessed of Property. The object of the writer will be to explain the reason for the present alarming state of English society, and the consequent insecurity of life and property; also to offer some remarks upon the folly and wickedness of attempting to uphold our Institutions, particularly that of Private Property, by the unconstitutional means of Centralization, Commissioning, Espionage, and force; finally, to state his own views on the best mode of restoring Peace, Contentment, Security, and Prosperity, to every rank of the people of England.

The author is perfectly aware of the fact, that every Parliamentary leader is now only attempting to legislate for the present moment-putting off the evil day -making laws "from hand to mouth," in the hope that some unforeseen, fortunate event may enable succeeding Statesmen to legislate for permanency. He is also convinced that there is a mode of successfully re-establishing our Institutions upon their original foundation-Christianity ;—and that that is the only way to preserve them from the encroachments of political partisans, who are now paving the way to universal Ruin, Anarchy, and Despotism.

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS.

G. R. WYTHEN BAXTER, Hereford.-His letter to the Duke of Wellington will be inserted when space permits.

A. B.. London, is thanked for his communication.

WEAL, and not PEEL," and "A LETTER," &c., are duly received. Mr. Oastler is not prepared to give an opinion on the Currency. He would be glad to read an elementary work on that subject.

F. D. R., Alnwick, is again thanked. Mr. Oastler knows nothing of the Lottery referred to. The parcel was over weight.

VOLUME FIRST

OF

THE FLEET

PAPERS

May be had of the Publishers, in

FIFTY-TWO NUMBERS, AT 2d. EACH,

OR

THIRTEEN PARTS, AT 9d. EACH. PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND, AND STEILL, 20, PATERNOSTER Row.

A few Volumes, bound in cloth, may be had, at 10s. each, by applying to Mr. Oastler, in the Fleet.

Mr. PAVEY is supplied with Tile-pages, which, on application, will be given to those who wish to bind the volume.

“Sir,―There is a paper called the Fleet Papers, published by Richard Oastler, a prisåner in the Fleet. It is published in London on Thursday morning, although dated the following Saturday, which I suppose, is for the country circulation. Well, on Thursday morning. I purchased one of these Papers, and, to my great surprise, on Friday morning, when I read Mr. Ferrand's speech. I discovered that that part of it regarding the use made of flour in the manufacture of cotton was taken from the Fleet Papers I had purchased the day before.

On reading Mr. Ferrand's former speech, I noticed the same plagiarism, which leads me to infer that, beyond all doubt, Mr. Richard Oasiler is Mr. Ferrand's monitor and correspondent. In the manufacturing districts, Mr. Oastler's authority will be received for what it is worth, and no more.

In the Chronicle of to-day, you have placed the question in its proper light. No doubt there are avaricious and bad men amongst the great body of the master manufacturers of England; but, to class them all as such, [which Mr. Ferrand took especial care not to do,] is a gross outrage on

common sense.

"I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

66 A CONSTANT READER."

"City, Saturday evening." True" In the manufacturing districts, Mr. Oastler's authority will be received for what it is worth, and no more." It will there be received as truth," and no more." How say you, Messrs. the Leaguers ?—Guilty, or Not Guilty? The following is from the Times of March 1, "Mr. FERRAND'S SPEECH and the FLEET PAPERS.

1942:

66

"To the Editor of the Times.

"Sir, I have read in a paper of this morning a letter, in which the writer suggests that Mr. Ferrand must have received some manufacturing information from Mr. Oastler's Fleet Papers. If Mr. Ferrand has done so, I can only say that I wish many more members of Parliament, as well as members of the community, would improve both their minds and their hearts by a regular perusal of these genuine English Fleet Papers.

"London, Feb. 28."

"I am, Sir, your obedient servant, JOHN BULL."

Mr. Oastler has been presented with a few copies of the Memoirs of his late revered and exemplary mother-in-law, Mrs. Tatham. Such a gift is doubly valuable to Mr. Oastler, affording as it does the opportunity of spreading the knowledge of a character, who, as a Christian of the most exalted piety, has left few equals, while, at the same time, the propagation of truths so valuable will administer to his pecuniary wants. The volume may be had by application to

Mr. Oastler.

MEMOIRS OF MRS. TATHAM,

LATE OF NOTTINGHAM: WITH A PORTRAIT.
By the Rev. JOSEPH BEAUMONT, M.D.

Price 68. 6d.

NOTICES OF THE MEMOIRS OF MRS. TATHAM.

"Mrs. Tatham was a woman of a strong and cultivated mind; and her piety, which was not only very sincere, but deep, rich, and active, partook largely of her intellectual character. The volume is chiefly made up from her own writings, and Dr. Beaumont has ably performed the task committed to him.

"He has so selected and arranged his materials, and connected them with such interstitial remarks of his own-remarks eminently characteristic of the writer-that the Memoirs he has furnished present, we should suppose, as accurate a delineation of the mental and religious character of Mrs. Tatham, as the Portrait prefixed to the volume does of her personal features.

The value of the Memoirs is not lessened, in our estimation, by the judicious observations in which he occasionally feels it necessary to express his dissent from some of Mrs. Tatham's remarks. Altogether, he has given us a capital piece of biography, which the aged Christian may read with encouraging sympathy, and from which the young disciple may derive the most important instruction."-Wesleyan Methodist Magazine, July, 1838.

We can cordially recommend this Memoir as a valuable contribution to the stock of Christian biography. For the full bonent of Christian example, the various orders, so to call them, of Christian character require to be described, and the developement of unchanging principle traced in its

connexion with the diversities of intellect and temperament. Dr. Beaumont has presented us, we believe, with a good likeness of this excellent lady, whose Memoir he thus writes.

We seem, in reading this work, to become acquainted with Mrs. Tatham; and for such an acquaintance it is scarcely possible not to be the better. For his own share of the work, done with his own ability and his own style, we thank Dr. Beaumont; and every reader of the volume, we think, will thank him too."-The Watchman, June 20, 1838.

This is one of our recent book-room publications. It contains the life of a lady who, although occupying no elevated position in society, in a worldly point of view, was, nevertheless, one whose wholesome influence was widely felt, and who was a doer of good - a character far above that of many princesses.

She was born in England in 1764, and experienced the forgiveness of her sins at the age of eighteen. At the age of twenty-seven, which was four years after her marriage, she became a class leader, and continued in this office for forty years, having under her care during this time three classes, the number in all generally amounting to at least sixty persons. It is stated, that the diligence and affection with which she sought after every wandering sheep were truly exemplary.

"Her wisdom, prudence, kindness, fidelity, and eminent spirituality, especially fitted her for the services of the Church in the department assigned to her; and several hundreds of persons, during the long period already mentioned, derived untold and inestimable advantage from personal intercourse with her intelligent and cheerful piety, and from her fervent and believing prayers, offered up with particular reference to their respective conditions.

"Mrs. Tatham was distinguished by the profession, and still more by the practice of holiness. As a Scriptural doctrine, she received it in all its integrity and New Testament glory, and was grieved, disappointed, and alarmed when she did not find it held forth in the ministrations of the pulpit with due fulness, force, and frequency.

Her diary and correspondence, which occupy a considerable portion of the book, are replete with ardent piety, with earnest longings for the salvation of others, and with deep devotional aspirations after God, and cannot be read by any one earnestly striving to do and suffer the whole will of God without great spiritual profit."-Copied from Zion's Herald into the Christian's Advocate and Journal (an American paper).

LETTER XI.

ON COMMERCIAL ECONOMY.

To J. R. MCULLOCH, Esq.,

SIR,-Although I have already called your attention to the CHIEF matter which is extant on the important subject of commercial economy, nevertheless I feel it to be essential to adduce still more. Upon questions which affect so vitally the interests of the whole community, too much evidence cannot be brought to light, whether it be for the purpose of discerning and rejecting that which is false, or of acknowledging and permanently establishing that which is true.

The works upon Political Economy which come next in order of importance to those which I have before examined, are the works of Malthus. These form large and comprehensive treatises on the two great branches of the science-namely, the principle of population on the one hand, and the principle of the formation of capital, or the means of sustaining population, on the other.

It is my intention, however, to defer, for the present, an examination of these works, and previously, to call your attention to a work of a far more diminutive character-it is that which has been written by Mr. Poulett Scrope. I prefer examining this work now, because it will form a direct continuation of the particular line of argument which I have already constructed. Perhaps you will ask, why enter at all upon the examination of this work, if, in your estimation, it is of so little consequence? My answer is, that although it does not present the efforts of a mind possessing power at all adequate to the task professed to be undertaken by it, yet it offers a fair example of the talent and the reasoning, as it is called, of a numerous class of persons, and because, in my opinion, it affords a true specimen of the general arguments which are advanced in Parliament, and moreover, because it is from works of such weak and loose character as this that the minds of female writers have derived the idea of inventing tales calculated to delude the minds of those who are ever ready to yield assent to mere plausibilities. Therefore it is that I request you to accoinpany me in an examination of Mr. Poulett Scrope, the representative in Parliament of the borough of Stroud.

"The word 'science,' or that which results from comprehending, understanding, or knowing, is a very beautiful word, because it contains a very useful and delightful meaning. Now, Sir, what is to be said of a man, who, professing to have entered the beautiful domain of science, comes out and declares it is not to be comprehended!--it is not to be understood!-it is not to be known? I think the plain answer to such a person would be, You dunce! How can you know that it is not to be comprehended?-not to be understood?—not to be known? You may say, and that indeed with very great propriety, that you do not yet comprehend, understand, or know; or you may say, that it is very difficult to acquire the comprehension, understanding, or knowledge, and hence that great humility and caution are required on venturing to treat of the subjects presented; but this forms the limit, and within this boundary the right of negative conclusive judgment is confined. It is a remarkable and a lamentable characteristic in modern political economy, that writers commence their works on this useful, instructive, and noble science, by admitting, and even advocating, the principle of nescience to which I have alluded above; and amongst this awkward squad of writers is to be ranked Mr. Poulett Scrope. I will now substantiate my accusation by adducing the following passage from the first chapter of his work, entitled Principles of Political Economy.'