cunning devices,-a misrepresentation of the facts which, however, did not fail of its effect on Urban. This is conclusively proved by the despatches of Niccolini to Cioli of 5th and 11th September, 1632, of which we shall have to speak more particularly.1

The crowning point of the intrigues of Galileo's foes was, however, the cunning assertion that by Simplicius no other was intended than Urban VIII. himself; and they actually made him believe it. One would scarcely have thought this possible with this shrewd Pope, who was so well-disposed towards Galileo; but it is beyond all question that it was so, and it put him in a boundless rage. It is decidedly indicated by his attitude towards Galileo at the trial, especially at the beginning of it. At that time it put him in such ill humour to be spoken to about Galileo, that all who interested themselves for him agreed that it was better not to confer with Urban himself, but with Cardinal Barberini or the ministers.2 The repeated attempts also made by Galileo and his friends, even years afterwards, to convince Urban that it had never entered his head to insult him, and that it was a cunning slander, prove that for a long time the Pope had taken Simplicius for his counterfeit.

As this manifest falsehood is revived by certain writers, even at this time of day, as having been Galileo's real intention, it seems necessary to throw a little more light on it. The telling remarks which Albèri makes on the subject might well suffice to show the absurdity of the imputation. He says that in the first place the attachment and devotion always shown by Galileo towards Urban, to the sincerity of which numerous letters bear witness, exclude all idea of so perfidious an act; and in the second, that it was Galileo's own interest to retain the goodwill of his powerful patron, and not frivolously to

1 Op. ix. pp. 420-425.

2 See Magalotti's letter to Guiducci of 4th September, 1632 (Op. Suppl. p. 324); and Niccolini's report to Cioli of 5th September (Op. ix. P. 422).

fritter it away. But we pass from this argument ad absurdum to one ad concretum. Simplicius is said to be Urban VIII. But not appropriately, for he was no such headstrong Peripatetic as is represented by Simplicius; had he been so, it was impossible that in 1624 he should have enjoyed having "Il Saggiatore" read to him at table, that cutting satire on the Aristotelian wisdom in general, and the wisdom of Father Grassi in particular; and that in the next year he should have been so much pleased with Galileo's reply to Ingoli.

Galileo's enemies founded their assertion on the circumstance that at the end of the work Simplicius employs an argument which the Pope himself had brought forward in repeated conversations in 1624 with Galileo, and on the weight of which he plumed himself not a little. It consisted of the reflection, undoubtedly more devout than scientific, that God is allpowerful, so that all things are possible to Him, and that therefore the tides could not be adduced as a necessary proof of the double motion of the earth without limiting His omnipotence. This pious objection is received by both Salviati and Sagredo with the utmost reverence. The former calls it heavenly and truly admirable, and the latter thinks that it forms a fitting conclusion to the discussion, which opinion is acted upon.3 The Pope's argument is thus by no means made to appear ridiculous, but quite the contrary. As to the main point, Simplicius says expressly that "he had this argument from a very eminent and learned personage." If this means Urban VIII., it is plain that Simplicius cannot be Urban VIII. Q.E.D.*

In writing his "Dialogues," Galileo found himself in a difficult position. As he brought forward all the arguments

1 Op. ix. p. 271, note 1.

* Comp. Niccolini's report to Cioli of 13th March, 1633. (Op. ix. p. 437.)

3 Op. i. "Dialogo di Galileo Galilei," etc., p. 502.

This point has been recently thoroughly discussed by Henri Martin. Comp. pp. 159-168.

of the disciples of Ptolemy against the new system, the vain pontiff would have been sorely offended if he had not introduced his. But who should mention it, if not Simplicius? Galileo might think that Urban would not perhaps like to see his argument treated as the original suggestion of Simplicius, who did not appear in a brilliant light, and devised the expedient of making him quote it, as that of " a very eminent and learned personage," whereby he would imagine that he had steered clear of every obstacle. But there was no security against calumny. How little idea Galileo could have had of making Urban ridiculous under the guise of Simplicius appears also from the fact that in 1636, when seeking full pardon from the Pope, and when he would be most anxious not to irritate him, he had just completed his famous work, " Dialogues on the Modern Sciences," in which Simplicius again plays the part of defender of the ancient principles; and that he published it in 1638, just when, in view of the unfavourable answer of 1636, he was begging at least for the favour of being nursed at Florence. There can be no doubt that this suspicion materially contributed to injure Galileo's cause. Pieralisi, indeed, makes an assertion as novel as it is untenable, that this bold slander was first heard of in 1635, and therefore not until after the famous trial; and in his book, "Urban VIII. and Gal. Galilei," he devotes a chapter of forty-six pages to prove this latest novelty. But all his arguments are upset by the following passage by Galileo in a letter to his friend Micanzio on 26th July, 1636 :—

"I hear from Rome that his Eminence Cardinal Antonio Barberini and the French ambassador have seen his Holiness and tried to convince him that I never had the least idea of perpetrating so sacrilegious an act as to make game of his Holiness, as my malicious foes have persuaded him, and which was the primary cause of all my troubles." 2

1 Pages 34-38, etc.

"Che fu il primo motere di tutti i miei travagli." (Op.

vii. p. 71.)

M

Pieralisi is acquainted with these words, and seeks to weaken their indisputable force as evidence in a lengthy disquisition; but an impartial critic only sees in this the apologist of Urban VIII., who desires, at all hazards, to shield him from the suspicion of having been actuated in the matter of Galileo's trial by personal motives, which will always be recognised in history as a fact, though it is also an exaggeration of some historians to maintain that it was the actual starting-point of the whole process, Urban having wished to revenge himself for this assumed personal insult. No, it had its effect, but was not the chief motive. The Jesuits had inspired the Pope with the opinion that the "Dialogues" were eminently dangerous to the Church, more dangerous and abhorrent even than the writings of Luther and Calvin, and he was highly incensed at the representation that Galileo had shamefully outwitted Father Riccardi, Mgr. Ciampoli, and even his Holiness himself, in obtaining the licence. Offended majesty, the determination to guard the interests of the Church and the authority of the Bible, indignation at Galileo's assumed cunning, and annoyance at having been duped by it, -these were the motives which impelled Urban VIII. to the deed called the institution of the trial of the Inquisition against Galileo.

2

1 This erroneous idea is found among a large number of historians; for instance, Biot (Journal des Savans, July-Oct. 1858), pp. 464, 465 ; Philarète Chasles, pp. 129, 130, 208; Reumont, p. 336; and Parchappe, p. 206. Epinois (pp. 56, 57) and Martin (pp. 159–168) have merely given the importance to this circumstance which it deserves, for it really was of great moment in the course of the trial.

266

. . E da buona banda intendo i Padri Gesuiti aver fatto impressione in testa principalissima che tal mio libro è piu esecrando e piu pernicioso per Santa Chiesa, che le scritture di Lutero e di Calvino ... (Letter from Galileo to Elia Diodati of 15th Jan., 1633, Op. vii. p. 19. Comp. also his letter to King Ladislaus of Poland, Op. vii. p. 190.)

CHAPTER IV.

DISCOVERY OF THE ABSOLUTE PROHIBITION OF 1616.

Symptoms of the Coming Storm.-The Special Commission.-Parade of Forbearance.-The Grand Duke intercedes for Galileo.-Provisional Prohibition of the "Dialogues."-Niccolini's Interview with the Pope and unfavourable Reception.-Report of it to Cioli.-Magalotti's Letters. Real Object of the Special Commission to find a Pretext for the Trial. Its Discovery in the Assumed Prohibition of 1616.—Report of the Commission and Charges against Galileo.

As we have seen, even during the months of June and July a ferment had already begun in certain circles at Rome about the "Dialogues." Complaints and accusations were rife, the Pope was artfully worked upon-these were the first portents of the heavy storm which was to break over Galileo's head. The Master of the Palace went about Rome in great fear for himself as well as for Galileo, and told his troubles to Count Magalotti. At the beginning of August, Riccardi begged him to deliver up the eight copies of the "Dialogues" which Magalotti had brought to Rome, with the assurance that he would return them in ten days at the latest. It was not in Magalotti's power to grant this request, the books having, as we know, long ago passed into other hands.2

A few days later the first thunderclap broke over Galileo. His publisher, Landini, at Florence received instructions, though for the time they were only provisional, forbidding The succeeding scenes

the further sale of the "Dialogues."

See the letter of Magalotti to Guiducci, before mentioned, of 7th August, 1632. (Op. Suppl. pp. 318-323.)

2 Op. Suppl. p. 319.