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had been erected to him in Alexandria. This the tyrant supposed to have been done at the instigation of the queen, and therefore resolved to revenge it on her by killing his own son whom he had by her. He therefore, without the least remorse, caused the young prince's throat to be cut; and, having put his mangled limbs into a box, sent them as a present to his mother Cleopatra. The messenger with whom this box was sent, was one of his guards. He was ordered to wait till the queen's birth day, which approached, and was to be celebrated with extraordinary pomp; and, in the midst of the general rejoicing, he was to deliver the present. The horror and detestation occasioned by this unparalleled piece of barbarity cannot be expressed. An army was soon raised, and the command of it given to one Marsyas, whom the queen had appointed general, and enjoined to take all the necessary steps for the defence of the country. On the other hand, Physcon having hired a numerous body of mercenaries, sent them, under the command of Hegelochus, against the Egyptians. The two armies met on the frontiers of Egypt, and a bloody battle ensued, wherein, however, the Egyptians were entirely defeated, and Marsyas was taken prisoner. Every one expected that the captive general would have been put to death with the severest torments; but Physcon, perceiving that his cruelties only exasperated the people, resolved to try whether he could regain their affections by lenity; and therefore pardoned Marsyas, and set him at liberty. Cleopatra, being greatly distressed by this overthrow, demanded assistance from Demetrius, king of Syria, who had married her eldest daughter by Philometor, promising him the crown of Egypt for his reward. Demetrius accepted the proposal, marched with all his forces into Egypt, and laid siege to Pelusium. But he being no less hated in Syria than Physcon was in Egypt, the people of Antioch, taking advantage of his absence, revolted against him, and were joined by most of the other cities in Syria, Thus Demetrius was obliged to return; and Cleopatra, being now in no condition to oppose Physcon, fled to Ptolemais, where her daughter the queen of Syria resided. Physcon was then restored to the throne of Egypt, which, notwithstanding his crimes, he enjoyed till his death, which happened at Alexandria, in the twentyninth year of his reign, and sixty-seventh of his age.

To Physcon succeeded Ptolemy Lathyrus, about A.A.C. 122; but he had not reigned long before his mother, finding that he would not be entirely governed by her, instigated the Alexandrians, to drive him from the throne, and place on it his youngest brother, Alexander. Lathyrus, after this, was obliged to content himself with the government of Cyprus, which he was permitted to enjoy in quiet. Ptolemy Alexander, in the mean time, finding he was to have only the shadow of sovereignty, and that his mother Cleopatra was to have all the power, stole away privately from Alexandria. The queen used every artifice to bring him back, well knowing that the Alexandrians would never suffer her to reign alone. At last her son yielded to her intreaties; but soon after, understanding

that she had hired assassins to despatch him, he caused her to be murdered. The death of the queen was no sooner known to the Alexandrians, than, disdaining to be commanded by a parricide, they drove out Alexander, and recalled Lathyrus. The deposed prince for some time led a rambling life in the island of Cos, but, having got together some ships, he, the next year, attempted to return into Egypt. But being met by Tyrrhus, Lathyrus's admiral, he was defeated, and obliged to fly to Myra in Lycia. From Myra he steered towards Cyprus, hoping that the inhabitants would place him on the throne, instead of his brother. But Charcas, another of Lathyrus's admirals, coming up with him while he was ready to land, an engagement ensued, in which Alexander's fleet was dispersed, and himself killed. During these disturbances, Apion, king of Cyrenaica, the son of Ptolemy Physcon by a concubine, having maintained peace and tranquillity in his dominions during a reign of twenty-one years, died, and by his will left his kingdom to the Romans: and thus the Egyptian empire was again considerably reduced and circumscribed. Lathyrus, being now delivered from all competitors, turned his arms against the city of Thebes, which had revolted from him. He marched in person against the rebels; and, having defeated them in a pitched battle, laid close siege to their city. The inhabitants defended themselves with great resolution for three years, but were at last obliged to submit, and the city was given up to be plundered by the soldiers, They left every where the most melancholy monuments of their avarice and cruelty; so that Thebes, which till that time had been one of the most wealthy cities of Egypt, was now reduced so low that it never afterwards made any figure. About A.A.C. 76, Ptolemy Lathyrus was succeeded by Alexander II. the son of Ptolemy Alexander Í. He was first sent by Cleopatra into the island of Cos, with a great sum of money, and all her jewels, as thinking that the safest place where they could be kept. When Mithridates, king of Pontus, made himself master of that island, the inhabitants delivered up to him the young Egyp tian prince, together with all the treasures. Mithridates gave him an education suitable to his birth; but he, not thinking himself safe with a prince who had shed the blood of his own children, fled to the camp of Sylla, the Roman dictator, who was then making war in Asia. From that time he lived in the family of the Roman general, till news was brought to Rome of the death of Lathyrus. Sylla then sent him to Egypt to take possession of the throne. But, before his arrival, the Alexandrians had chosen Cleopatra for their sovereign. To compromise matters, however, it was agreed that Alexander should marry her, and take her for his partner on the throne. This was accordingly done; but nineteen days after the marriage he murdered her, and for fifteen years afterwards showed himself such a monster of wickedness, that a general insurrection at last ensued among his subjects, and he was obliged to fly to Pompey the Great, who was then carrying on the war against Mithridates king of Pontus. But Pompey refusing to concern himself in the matter, he retired to Tyre.

where he died a few months after. Alexander, while he was in Tyre, had sent ambassadors to Rome to influence the senate in his favor. But, dying before the negociation was finished, he made over by his last will all his rights to the Roman people, declaring them heirs to his kingdom: not out of any affection to the republic, but with a view to raise disputes between the Romans, and his rival Auletes, whom the Egyptians had placed on the throne. The will was brought to Rome, where it occasioned warm debates. Some were for taking immediate possession of Egypt. Others thought no notice should be taken of such a will, because Alexander had no right to dispose of his dominions in prejudice to his successor, and to exclude from the crown those who were of the royal blood of Egypt. Cicero represented, that such a notorious imposition would debase the majesty of the Roman people, and involve them in endless wars and disputes; that the fruitful fields of Egypt would be a strong temptation to the avarice of the people, who would insist on their being divided among them; and lastly, that by this ineans the bloody quarrels about the Agrarian laws would be revived. These reasons had some weight with the senate; but what chiefly prevented them from seizing on Egypt at this time was, that they had lately taken possession of the kingdom of Bithynia, in virtue of the will of Nicomedes; and of Cyrene and Lybia, by the will of Apion. They thought, therefore, that if they should, on the like pretence, take possession of the kingdom of Egypt, this might too much expose their design of setting up a kind of universal empire, and occasion a formidable combination against them. Ptolemy Auletes, who was now raised to the throne by the Egyptians, is said to have surpassed all the kings that went before him in the effeminacy of his manners. The surname Auletes, which signifies the fluteplayer, was given him because he piqued himself on his skill in performing upon that instrument, and was not ashamed even to contend for the prize in the public games. He took great pleasure in imitating the manners of the bacchanals; dancing in a female dress, and in the same measures that they used during the solemnity of their god; and hence he had the surname of the New Dionysius, or Bacchus. As his title to the crown was disputable, he being only the son of a concubine, his first care was to get himself acknowledged by the Romans, and declared their ally. This was obtained by applying to Julius Cæsar, who was at that time consul, and immensely in debt. Cæsar being glad of such an opportunity of raising money, made the king of Egypt pay pretty dear for his alliance: 6000 talents, a sum equal to £1,162,500 sterling were given partly to Cæsar himself, and partly to Pompey, whose interest was necessary for obtaining the consent of the people. Though the revenues of Egypt amounted to twice this sum, yet Auletes found it impossible for him to raise it without severely taxing his subjects. This occasioned a general discontent; and, while the people were almost ready to take up arms, a mest unjust decree passed at Rome for seizing the island of Cyprus. When the Alexandrians heard of this, they pressed

Auletes to demand that island as an ancient appendage of Egypt; and, in case of a refusal, to declare war against that haughty and imperious people, who they now saw, though too late, aimed at nothing less than the sovereignty of the world. With this request the king refused to comply; upon which his subjects, already provoked beyond measure at the taxes with which they were loaded, flew to arms, and surrounded the palace. The king had the good fortune to escape their fury, and immediately leaving Alexandria, set sail for Rome. In his way to that city, he landed on the island of Rhodes, where the celebrated Cato at that time was, being on his way to Cyprus, to put the unjust decree of the senate into execution. Auletes, desirous to confer with a man of his prudence, immediately sent to acquaint him with his arrival. He imagined that, upon this notice, Cato would instantly come and wait upon him; but the proud Roman told the messenger, that if the king of Egypt had any thing to say to Cato, he might come to his house. Accordingly the king went to pay him a visit; but was received with very little ceremony, Cato not even vouchsafing to rise out of his seat when he came into his presence. When Auletes had laid his affairs before this haughty republican, he was blamed by him for leaving Egypt, the richest kingdom in the world, in order to expose himself, as he said, to the indignities he would meet with at Rome. There, Cato told him, nothing was in request but wealth and grandeur. All the riches of Egypt, he said, would not be sufficient to satisfy the avarice of the leading men in Rome. He, therefore, advised him to return to Egypt; and strive, by a more equitable conduct, to regain the affections of his people. He even offered to reconduct him thither, and employ his good offices in his behalf. But though Ptolemy was sensible of the propriety of this advice, the friends he had with him dissuaded him from following it, and accordingly he set out for Rome. On his arrival, he found, to his great concern, that Cæsar, in whom he confided, was then in Gaul. He was received, however, by Pompey with great kindness. He assigned him an apartment in his own house, and omitted nothing that lay in his power to serve him. Notwithstanding this protection, however, the Egyptian monarch was obliged to go from house to house like a private person, soliciting the votes of the senators. After he had spent immense treasures in procuring a strong party, he was at last permitted to lay his complaints before the senate; but, at the same time, there arrived an embassy from the Alexandrians, consisting of 100 citizens, to acquaint the senate with the reasons of their revolt. When Auletes first set out for Rome, the Alexandrians, not knowing what was become of him, placed on the throne his daughter Berenice; and sent an embassy into Syria to Antiochus Asiaticus, inviting him into Egypt to marry the queen, and reign in partnership with her. Antiochus was dead before the arrival of the ambassadors; upon which, the same proposal was made to his brother Seleucus, who readily accepted it. This Seleucus is described by Strabo as monstrously deformed in body, and

still more so in mind. The Egyptians nicknamed him Cybiosactes, or the Scullion. He was scarcely on the throne, when he gave a signal instance of his avaricious temper. Ptolemy I. had caused the body of Alexander the Great to be deposited in a coffin of massy gold. This the king seized upon; and thus provoked his wife Berenice to such a degree, that she caused him to be murdered. She then married one Archelaus, the high priest of Comana in Pontus, who pretended to be the son of Mithridates the Great; but was, in fact, only the son of that monarch's general. Auletes was not a little alarmed on hearing of these transactions, especially when the ambassadors arrived, who he feared would overturn all the schemes he had labored so much to bring about. The embassy was headed by one Dion, a celebrated academic philosopher, who had many powerful friends at Rome. But Ptolemy found means to get both him and most of his followers assassinated; and this intimidated the rest to such a degree, that they durst not execute their commission, or, for some time, even demand justice for the murder of their colleagues. The report of so many murders, however, at last spread a general alarm. Auletes, sure of the protection of Pompey, did not scruple to own himself the perpetrator of them. Nay, though an action was commenced against one Ascitius, an assassin, who had stabbed Dion, the chief of the embassy above mentioned, and the crime was fully proved, yet he was acquitted by the venal judges, who had all been bribed by Ptolemy. In a short time, the senate passed a decree, by which it was enacted, that the king of Egypt should be restored by force of arms. All the great men in Rome were ambitious of this commission; which, they well knew, would be attended with immense profit. Their contests, on this occasion, took up a considerable time; but at last a prophecy of the Sybil was found out, which forbade the assisting an Egyptian monarch with an army. Ptolemy, therefore, wearied out with so long a delay, retired from Rome, where he had made himself generally odious, to the temple of Diana, at Ephesus, there to wait the decision of his fate. Here he remained a considerable time; but as he saw that the senate came to no resolution, though he solicited them by letters, he at last, by Pompey's advice, applied to Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria, a man of most infamous character, and ready to undertake any thing for money. Therefore, though it was contrary to an express law, for any governor to leave his province, without positive orders from the senate and people of Rome, Gabinius ventured to transgress this law, upon condition of being well paid. As a recompense for his trouble, he demanded 10,000 talents; that is, £1,937,500 sterling; and Ptolemy, glad to be restored on any terms, agreed to pay that sum: but Gabinius would not stir till he had received one-half of it. This obliged the king to borrow it from a Roman knight, named Caius Rabirius Posthumus; Pompey interposing his credit and authority for the repayment both of capital and interest. Gabinius now set out for Egypt, attended by the famous

Marc Anthony, who at this time served in the army under him. He was met by Archelaus, who, since the departure of Auletes, had reigned in Egypt jointly with Berenice, at the head of a numerous army. In the first engagemen' the Egyptians were utterly defeated, and Archelaus taken prisoner. Thus Gabinius might have put an end to the war at once; but his avarice prompted him to dismiss Archelaus, on his paying a considerable ransom; after which, pretending that he had made his escape, fresh sums were demanded from Ptolemy for defraying the expenses of the war. For these Ptolemy was again obliged to apply to Rabirius, who would only supply what he wanted at a very high interest. At last, Archelaus was defeated and killed, and Ptolemy again became master of all Egypt. No sooner was he firmly settled on the throne, than he put to death his daughter Berenice, and cruelly oppressed his people in order to procure the money he had been obliged to borrow while in exile. These oppressions and exactions the cowardly Egyptians bore with great patience, being intimidated by the garrison which Gabinius had left in Alexandria. But neither the fear of the Romans, nor the authority of Ptolemy, could make them put up with an affront offered to their religion. A Roman soldier happened to kill a cat, an animal held sacred, and even worshipped by the Egyptians; and, no sooner was this sacrilege known, than the Alexandrians made a general insurrection, and, gathering together in crowds, made their way through the Roman guards, dragged the soldier out of his house, and, in spite of all opposition, tore him in pieces. Notwithstanding the heavy taxes, which Ptolemy laid on his people, it does not appear that he had any design of paying his debts. Rabirius, who, as we have already observed, had lent him immense sums, finding that the king affected delays, took a voyage to Egypt, to expostulate with him in person. Ptolemy excused himself on account of the bad state of his finances, but offered to make Rabirius collector-general of his revenues, that he might, in that employment, pay himself, an offer which Rabirius gladly accepted. Ptolemy, soon after, upon some frivolous pretence or other, caused him and all his servants, to be closely confined. This base conduct exasperated Pompey as much as Rabirius; for the former had been in a manner security for the debt, as the money had been lent at his request, and the business transacted at a countryhouse of his near Alba. However, as Rabirius had reason to fear still worse treatment, he took the first opportunity of making his escape.

But

To complete his misfortunes, he was prosecuted at Rome as soon as he returned, 1. For having enabled Ptolemy to corrupt the senate with sums lent him for that purpose. 2. For having debased and dishonored the character of a Roman knight, by farming the revenues, and becoming the servant of a foreign prince, 3. For having been an accomplice with Gabinius, and sharing with him the 10,000 talents, which that proconsul had received for his Egyptian expedition.

By the eloquence of Cicero he was acquitted;
and one of the best orations to be found in the
writings of that author, was composed on this
occasion. Gabinius was also prosecuted; and,
as Cicero spoke against him, he very narrowly
escaped death. He was, however, condemned to
perpetual banishment, after having been stripped
of all he was worth; and lived in exile till the
time of the civil wars, when he was recalled by
Cæsar, in whose service he lost his life. Auletes
enjoyed the throne of Egypt about four years
after his re-establishment; and, at his death,
left his children, a son and two daughters,
under the tuition of the Roman people. The
name of the son was Ptolemy, those of the
daughters were Cleopatra and Arsinoe. This
was the Cleopatra who afterwards became so fa-
mous, and had so great a share in the civil wars
of Rome. As the transactions of that queen's
reign, however, are so closely connected with the
affairs of Rome, that they cannot be well under-
stood without knowing the situation of the Ro-
mans at that time, we refer for an account of
them to the history of ROME. With Cleopatra
ended the family of Ptolemy Lagus, the founder
of the Grecian empire in Egypt, after it had held
that country in subjection for the space of 294
years.

Egypt now became a province of the Roman
empire, and continued subject to the emperors
of Rome or Constantinople. In the year 642
it was conquered by the Arabs under Amru
Ebn Al As, one of the generals of the khalif
Omar. In 889 an independent government was
set up in this kingdom by Ahmed Ebn Tolun,
who rebelled against Al Mokhadi, khalif of
Bagdad. It continued to be governed by him
and his successors for twenty-seven years, when
it was again reduced by Al Moctasi khalif of
Bagdad. In about thirty years after, we find it
again an independent state, being joined with
Syria under Mahomet Ebn Taj, who had been ap-
pointed governor of these provinces. This govern-
ment, however, was also but short-lived; for in 969
it was conquered by Jawhar, one of the generals
of Moez Ledinillah, the Fatemite khalif of Cair-
wan in Barbary. No sooner was Moez informed
of the success of his general, than he prepared
with all expedition to go and take possession of
his new conquest. Accordingly, he ordered all
the vast quantities of gold which he and his pre-
decessors had amassed, to be cast into ingots
of the size and figure of mill-stones used in
hand-mills, and conveyed on camels' backs into
Egypt. To show that he was fully determined
to abandon his dominions in Barbary, and to
make Egypt the royal residence, he caused the
remains of the three former princes of his race to
be removed from Cairwan in Barbary, and to be
deposited in a stately mosque erected on purpose
in the city of Cairo: the most effectual perhaps
of all methods to induce his successors to reside
in Egypt also, as it was become an established
custom among those princes, frequently to pay
their respectful visits to the tombs of their an-
cestors. To establish himself the more effectually
in his new dominions, Moez suppressed the usual
prayers made in the mosques for the khalifs of Bag-
dad, and substituted his own name in their stead.

This was complied with, not only in Egypt and
Syria, but even throughout all Arabia, the city
of Mecca alone excepted. The consequence
was, a schism in the Mahommedan faith, which
continued upwards of 200 years, and was attended
with continual anathemas, and sometimes de-
structive wars between the khalifs of Bagdad and
those of Egypt. Having fully established himself
in his kingdom, he died in the forty-fifth year of
his age, three years after he had left his dominions
in Barbary; and was succeeded by his son Abu
Al Mansur Barar, surnamed Aziz Billah.

On

The new khalif succeeded at the age of twen-
ty-one; and committed the management of affairs
entirely to the care of Jawhar, his father's long
experienced general and prime minister. In
978 he sent this famous warrior to drive out Al
Aftekin, the emir of Damascus. The Egyptian
general accordingly undertook the siege of that
place; but, at the end of two months, was
obliged to raise it, on the approach of an army
of Karmatians under the command of Al Hakem.
As Jawhar was not strong enough to venture
an engagement with these Karmatians, it was
impossible for him to hinder them from effecting
a junction with the forces of Al Aftekin. He
therefore retreated, or rather fled towards Egypt
with the utmost expedition; but, being overtaken
by the two confederate armies, was soon re-
duced to the last extremity, He was, however,
permitted to resume his march, on condition
that he passed under Al Aftekin's sword and Al
Hakem's lance; and to this disgraceful condition
Jawhar found himself obliged to submit.
his arrival in Egypt, he immediately advised Al
Aziz to undertake an expedition in person into
the east, against the combined army of the Turks,
Karmatians, and Damascenes, under the com-
mand of Al Aftekin and Al Hakem. The khalif
followed his advice; and advancing against his
enemies overthrew them with great slaughter;
Al Aftekin himself escaped out of the battle,
but was afterwards taken and brought to Al Aziz
who made him his chamberlain, and treated him
with great kindness. Jawhar, in the mean time,
was disgraced on account of his bad success; and
in this disgrace he continued till his death, which
happened A. D. 990, and in the year of the
Hegira 381. This year Al Aziz having received
advice of the death of Saadoddawla, prince of
Aleppo, sent a formidable army under the com-
mand of a general named Manjubekin, to reduce
that place. Lulu, who had been appointed guar-
dian to Saadoddawla's son, finding himself pres-
sed by the Egyptians, who carried on the siege
with great vigor, demanded assistance from the
Greek emperor. Accordingly, he ordered a body
of troops to advance to Lulu's relief, when Man-
jubekin, being informed of their approach, imme-
diately raised the siege, and advanced to give
them battle. An obstinate engagement ensued,
in which the Greeks were at last overthrown with
great slaughter. After this victory, Manjubekin
pushed on the siege of Aleppo very briskly; but
finding the place capable of defending itself much
longer than he at first imagined, and his provi-
sions beginning to fail, he raised the siege. The
khalif upon this sent him a very threatening letter
and commanded him to return before Aleppo

He did so; and continued the siege for thirteen months; during all which time it was defended by Lulu with incredible bravery. At last the Egyptians, hearing that a numerous army of Greeks was on their way to relieve the city, raised the siege, and fled with the utmost precipitation. The Greeks then took and plundered several of the cities which Al Aziz possessed in Syria; and Manjubekin made the best of his way to Damascus, where he declared himself independent. Aziz, informed of this revolt, marched in person against him with a considerable army; but, being taken ill by the way, he expired in the twenty-first year of his reign and forty-second of his age. Aziz Billah was succeeded by his son Abu Al Mansur, surnamed Al Hakem; who, being only eleven years of age, was put under the tuition of an eunuch of approved integrity, This reign is remarkable for nothing so much as the madness with which the khalif was seized at the latter part of it. This first manifested itself by his issuing many preposterous edicts; but at length grew to such a height, that he fancied him self a god, and found no fewer than 16,000 persons who owned him as such. These were mostly the Dararians, a new sect sprung up about this time, and so called from their chief Mohammed Ebn Ishmael, surnamed Darari. He is supposed to have inspired the khalif with this impious notion; and, as Darari set up for a second Moses, he did not scruple to assert that Al Hakem was the great Creator of the universe! For this reason, a zealous Turk stabbed him in the khalif's chariot. His death was followed by a three days' uproar in the city of Cairo, during which Darari's house was pulled down, and many of his followers massacred. The sect, however, did not expire with its author. He left behind him a disciple named Hamza, who, being encouraged by the mad khalif, spread it through his dominions. This was quickly followed by an abrogation of all the Mahommedan fasts, festivals, and pilgrimages, the grand one to Mecca in particular; so that the zealous Mahommedans were now greatly alarmed, as justly supposing that Al Hakem designed entirely to suppress the worship of the true God, and introduce his own in its place. From this apprehension, however, they were delivered by the death of the khalif; who was assassinated, by a contrivance of his own sister, A. D. 1020. Al Hakem was succeeded by his son Al Thaher, who reigned fifteen years; and left the throne to a son under seven years of age, named Al Mostanser Billah. In the year 1041, a revolt happened in Syria; but Al Mostanser having sent a powerful army into that country, under the command of one Anushtekin, he not only reduced the rebels, but considerably enlarged the Egyptian dominions in Syria. In 1054 a Turk named Al Bassasiri, having quarelled with the vizier of Al Kayem, khalif of Bagdad, fled to Egypt and put himself under the protection of Al Mostanser. The latter, imagining this would be a favorable opportunity for enlarging his dominions, and perhaps seizing on the city of Bagdad, supplied Bassasiri with money and troops. By this assistance he was enabled to possess himself of Arabian Irak, and ravaged that province to the very gates of Bagdad. On this,

Then

Al Kayem wrote to Togrol Beg, or Tangrolipis, the Turkish sultan, to come to his assistance. The sultan immediately complied, and soon after arrived at Bagdad with a formidable army and eighteen elephants. Of this Bassasiri gave notice to Al Mostanser, and intreated him to exert himself further for his support against so powerfut an enemy. This was accordingly done, but nothing worthy of notice happened till 1058, when Bassasiri having excited Ibrahim the sultan's brother to revolt, Togrol Beg was obliged to employ all his force against him. This gave Bassasiri an opportunity of seizing on the city of Bagdad; and the unfortunate khalif, according to some, was taken prisoner, or, according to others, fled. Bassasiri, on his entry, caused Al Mostanser to be immediately proclaimed khalif in all quarters of the city. Al Kayem's vizier he caused to be led on a camel through the streets of Bagdad, dressed in a woollen gown, with a high red bonnet, and a leathern collar about his neck; a man lashing him behind. being sewed up in a bull's hide, with the horns placed over his head, and hung upou hooks, he was beaten without ceasing till he died. The imperial palace was plundered, and the khalif himself detained a close prisoner. This success was but short lived; for, in 1056, Togrol Beg defeated his brother Ibrahim, took him prisoner and strangled him. He then marched to Bagdad, which Bassasiri abandoned at his approach. Here the khalif Al Kayem was delivered up by Mahras, the governor of a city called Haditha, who had the charge of him; and was immediately restored to his dignity.: which Bassasiri no sooner understood, than he again advanced towards the city. Against him Togrol Beg sent a part of his army under some of his generals, while he himself followed with the rest. A battle ensued, in which the army of Bassasiri was defeated, and he himself killed. His head was brought to Togrol Beg, who caused it to be carried on a pike through the streets of Bagdad. Thus the hopes of Al Mostanser were entirely frustrated; and from this period we may date the declension of the Egyptian empire under the khalifs. They had made themselves masters of almost all Syria; but no sooner was Bassasiri's bad success known, than the younger part of the citizens of Aleppo revolted, and set up Mahmud Azzoddawla, who immediately laid siege to the citadel. Al Mostanser sent a powerful army against him, which Azzoddawla entirely defeated, and took the general himself prisoner: soon after this he made himself master both of the city and citadel, with all their dependencies. In his new dominions he behaved with the greatest cruelty, destroying every thing with fire and sword, and making frequent incursions into the neighbouring provinces, which he treated in the same manner. This disaster was soon followed by others still more terrible. In 1066 a famine raged over all Egypt and Syria, with such fury, that dogs and cats were sold for four or five Egyptian dinars each, and other provisions in proportion. Multitudes of people died in Cairo for want of food. Nay, so great was the scarcity, that the vizier had but one servant left who was able to attend him to the khalif's palace, and to whom he gave the

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