corn-meal encrusting the necks of some of the carthen pots; and after sifting a cartload or two of the kitchen-midden stuff through wire sieves, I became the possessor of a dozen or two of charred grains of corn and a cotyledon and a half of the bean. Another collector found a charred "corn cob." Besides this, I found evidence that the wild plum and cherry, and even the acorn, had been used as food. Let it be observed, further, that a grain of corn or a bean could not have escaped decay unless it had happened to be accidentally charred, and some accident of this kind occurring in connection with cookery alone provided this slight confirmation of the story of the agriculture of Hochelaga.

one

TEN POINTS OF A GOOD WIFE. R OBERT BURNS, the Scottish poet, speaking of the qualities of a good wife, divided them into ten parts. Four parts he gave to " good temper; "two to "good sense;" one to "wit;" to "beauty" (such as a sweet face, eloquent eyes, a fine person, a graceful carriage); and the remaining two parts he divided amongst other qualities belonging to or attending on a wife, such as fortune, connexions, education or accomplishments, family, and so on; but, he said, "divide those two parts as you please, remember that all these minor proportions must be expressed by fractions, for there is not any one of them that is entitled to the dignity of an integer."

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Mr. Smiles, in quoting this passage from Burns, in the chapter on marriage in his pleasant and chatty book on Character," says: "No wise person will marry for beauty mainly. It will exercise a powerful attraction in the first place, but it is found to be of comparatively little consequence afterwards. Not that beauty of person is to be under-estimated, for, other things being equal, handsomeness of form and beauty of features are the outward manifestations of health. But to marry a handsome figure without character, fine features unbeautified by sentiment or good nature, is the most deplorable of mistakes."

This is the only comment made by Mr. Smiles on the matrimonial scale of Burns, the proportions of which he may therefore be taken to approve. The matter is worth closer criticism, and it will be an amusing and not unpractical or unprofitable employment of some leisure minutes, to try, in each reader's judgment, whether any variation or improvement may not be made in the distribution of the ten points in a good wife.

It will be observed at the outset that the moral and religious element is wholly ignored in the estimate of the poet. Physical, intellectual, and social qualities are alone taken into account; for good temper can scarcely be included among moral excellencies. But the problem need not be complicated by bringing into its consideration points of moral or religious worth. Designate these under the title of "good principle," and this would demand a far larger proportion of the ten points than the four which Burns gives to good temper. For without virtue or good principle, we know that good temper, and good looks, and other gifts of person, are too often dangerous and ruinous to their possessor. Rather let us assume good principle and

virtuous conduct, founded upon true religion, to be taken for granted in the problem, as it will be certainly deemed essential in the choice of a wife by every man who makes Christian profession. marry "in the Lord" is a divine precept as well as a prudent resolution for all who seek to live for both worlds."

Two other conditions are to be presupposed-a certain amount of equality of station, as well as no undue disparity of age. There are exceptional cases in both respects, but in discussing general principles we have regard to the common rule, not the rare exception. As a rule, marriages of unequal caste turn out unhappily for all concerned. In the rough bush life of a new colony this may be of less moment, but in the ordinary circumstances of civilised life, some equality of station and of education is expected.

In examining the qualities to be sought in a wife, let us therefore regard moral worth, and also suitableness of station, not as among the requisites, but as pre-requisites; and then let us see how far we assent to the distribution of the ten points of Burns.

The importance of good temper is great, but four out of ten seems rather a large proportion to allot to it. In describing the good qualities of a friend, or a brother or sister, or a master or servant, good temper would be a large ingredient, but in a wife, other points deserve equal if not greater note. Taking the larger view of beauty, as including all personal qualities of a physical or material kind, form and figure as well as feature, and especially a healthy constitution, it certainly should be at least on a level with good temper. A poor invalid or cripple may have the sweetest of tempers. On the other hand, a pretty face may belong to a silly fool; which brings the point of good sense also to the front.

The majority of sensible men will thoroughly agree with the poet as to the comparative unimportance of what he calls the "minor proportions, of fortune, family, accomplishments, and other accessories; and, in fact, one instead of two out of the ten might be allotted for their fractional expression.

Of course there are exceptional cases and circumstances, where some of these minor qualities assume greater importance. For instance, the heir of an estate, or the representative of a high family, might consider rank, and wealth, and education, of more consequence than to be represented by a decimal fraction. The wise Lord Burleigh, in giving advice to his son on the choice of a wife, said: "Let her not be poor, how generous (well-born) soever, for a man can buy nothing in the market with gentility." The greatness of his house was in his mind more than the happiness of his son, in giving this advice. But taking the average of men who have to consider only their own personal taste, comfort, and advantage, good temper, good sense, and good health are the three primary and essential points.

How these are to be distributed must be left to each reader to decide. Certainly four out of ten are too many to be given to good temper. Good temper depends in no small degree upon good digestion, the result of good health. Perhaps most sensible readers will agree with the writer in allotting nine parts to good health, good sense, and good temper; but whether these should be equally distributed, or in the ratio of four, three, and two, in the above order, is an open question. His own vote is, four to good

health, three to good sense, and two to good temper, out of the nine points, leaving one to be divided among all other qualifications.

How the ten points would be distributed in the case of a husband instead of a wife, it is for readers of the fair sex to judge. Some variation there would be in the opinion of most women, for whom a decimal fraction would not suffice to represent fortune or wealth, and who would therefore have less than seven to spare out of ten for good health and good

sense.

THE MANDARIN'S DAUGHTER.

CHAPTER XVII.-CONSPIRATORS DEFEATED BY THE EMPRESS.

TROU

ROUBLOUS times of no ordinary character now set in, and the ancient unwieldy empire of China was shaken to its very base. A political earthquake threatened to overwhelm the government, and to crush its best statesmen in the ruins. Both natives and foreigners were in a state of consternation, not knowing what evils a day might bring forth. The foreign ministers watched the course of events with intense interest, perceiving that all their treaties might be ignored, and the Allies involved in another war. In this critical state of affairs there was one personage who saw through the machinations of the designing councillors of State, and who was determined to frustrate their schemes. That personage was a woman the supreme wife of the late emperor. Although she was not the mother of the young heir to the throne, yet she stood up for his rights in the cause of law and order. During the last days of her deceased husband's illness she never left his bedside, and while he was able to speak she listened to his behests regarding his successor and the future form of government. These were to maintain the Prince of Kung and his colleagues at the head of affairs, and to appoint the empress mother and empress dowager joint regents until his son came of age.

Meanwhile the crafty princes and statesmen who had followed their august master to Je-hol, formed a conspiracy, and drew up a decree appointing them as grand councillors, holding the reigns of government for the juvenile emperor. This document the empress denounced as a forgery, saying that what purported to be the signature of Hien Foong was the work of one of the conspirators after her husband was dead, he placing the vermilion pencil in the dead man's hand, and tracing the characters of his name while he held the fingers of the corpse.

These facts she made known secretly to the Prince Kung, requesting him to assist her in overthrowing the power of these conspirators. Accordingly, when the remains of the deceased monarch were being borne in state from Je-hol to Peking, accompanied by the young emperor, the empress dowager, and the self-elected councillors, they were met by an armed force headed by the prince, who made the whole of the conspirators prisoners, to be tried for treason against the State, and punished according to their degree of crime. In the history of State revolutions, perhaps no coup-d'étát was so speedily and so successfully carried out; from the time of its being put into execution and the offenders being brought to justice, only eight days elapsed. But what was the most strange part of the affair was the fact that in a

country where women are treated as slaves to men, the one who accomplished the deed was a woman.

Not only did the empress succeed in overthrowing the powerful combination of princes and statesmen arrayed against her authority, but she succeeded in being made empress regent, having the chief post in the administration of the government, although there was no precedent in the history of the Manchoo dynasty for such an event. Under her presidency a council of regency was formed, who committed the conspirators to be tried by the Great Imperial Clan Court. Four of them were sentenced to death, and the others to be banished. These sentences were carried out as speedily as the capture of the prisoners had been accomplished, to the surprise of all foreigners. The regency was subsequently maintained with the same vigour, except when any of the statesmen belonging to the party inimical to foreigners were able to thwart the intentions of the empress dowager and her council in supporting the reign of Toong Che, signifying "Union in the Cause of Law and Order."

During the first days of these startling events the mandarin was busy far into the night, not only arranging papers in his library, but destroying others. He has since told me that though no one was admitted to his privacy during the day, yet the Taiping emissary obtained admittance secretly after the household had retired to rest. On these occasions the two would have long consultations, and sometimes a third and fourth person would be present, who were strangers to Meng-kee, introduced by Cut-sing as friends and agents of the Taiping cause.

"The time has now come, honourable sir," the emissary remarked, at one of these meetings, "when you can safely leave Peking and join our ranks at Nanking, where the Tien-wang, or his valiant lieutenant, Chung-wang, is sure to find you a high and lucrative post."

"How are the appointments made and classified?" was Meng-kee's inquiry.

"Besides the Heavenly King and his generalissimo, there are five principal ministers who never leave their duties at the boards of government in Nanking. The chiefs next in rank have no fixed residence, but are continually on the move with Chung-wang or some division of the army. It is from this rank that governors of cities are appointed, governors of provinces being elected from the most approved of them. Should you join us, I am empowered to state that you will at once be admitted into the rank that will make you eligible for one or other of these high posts."

This was very flattering to the mandarin, who acknowledged the proposed honour in suitable terms. The offer was tempting, and he saw no prospect of improving his position under the Manchoo government. On the contrary, hints were given in his office that he and those officials of his opinions, instead of obtaining promotion in the service, were likely to be degraded to a lower rank, until they showed proofs of their loyalty to the Tartar dynasty, and their abhorrence of the rebel usurpers of authority, Having revolved the matter well over in his mind before, he thought it best to decide at once to join the Taipings, who might yet succeed in overthrowing the Manchoo power, and become the legitimate rulers of the country. Being in this frame of mind, he addressed the emissary, saying:

"Relying upon the truth of all your statements,

my honourable friend, I have resolved to join the ranks of the Tien-wang's followers, and trust that we may succeed in uprooting the rotten trunk of Manchoo corruption, and in its stead plant a healthy tree of liberty.'

"Noble sir, your decision will be hailed with joy by all those whom we have enlisted in the cause, and who are now ready to start from Peking. We must be very cautious and secret in our movements; notwithstanding the commotion amongst the authorities at this crisis, there are spies abroad who would at the slightest suspicion pounce down upon us."

"I am fully aware of that, and have destroyed every document that might lead to detection. Moreover, in anticipation of leaving Peking, I have applied for leave of absence to attend upon my aged mother, who is sick at our family home on the banks of the Grand Canal. As you know, I am sure to obtain permission to leave on such a plea; therefore, I have appointed one of my most trustworthy relations to supply my place, while I take my departure with no one but my daughter."

This information delighted Cut-sing, so he said, "I shall then have the honour of accompanying you both on your journey."

"Not at starting," responded Meng-kee, "for it might raise suspicion. Let us arrange to meet at Tung-chow, where we can obtain boats for our Voyage along the canal."

These preliminaries of the intended flight from Peking being so far settled, Meng-kee felt a degree of mental relief that night which he had not enjoyed for many a month before. Hitherto he was living in a state of constant dread that his sympathies with the Taipings might be discovered, and he might suffer the ignominious death by decapitation executed on all who fell into the hands of the Manchoos-a mode of death which is deemed the most abhorrent by the Chinese. Now there was a ray of hope before him that he could mingle among a valiant host of his patriotic countrymen, who were pledged to restore the pure Chinese rule, broken off two centuries before by the fall of the Ming dynasty. Once at Nanking, he could speak and act freely according to his convictions, and thereby retain a serenity of mind he could not maintain at Peking.

In this strain he not only endeavoured to convince himself of the propriety of the step he was about to take, but he used the same arguments with his daughter to reconcile her as to its prudence.

"Dear father," she would say, "I own that your words are reassuring, and that we are about to fly from impending danger, but I am not so convinced as you are that we shall reach a haven of safety among the Taipings. I have not much faith in what Wo Cut-sing says to you about the grand offices in store for your choice, or in the harmony he says prevails among the followers of the Tien-wang. Ca-me-la says that his people who have mixed among them relate that a system of terror exists in the ranks, and jealousy among the chiefs, which is more to be dreaded than the corruption and anarchy among the government officials and troops here.

But as

you are resolved to go I shall not leave you, and will be ready on the morrow to take the journey."

"That is right, my beloved daughter; and, of course, when we reach my mother's house at Yangchow, you shall remain there while I proceed to Nanking."

When the disconsolate A-Lee sat alone in her

boudoir for the last time, she gave vent to her feelings in an unrestrained gush of tears. As she looked round her beautiful apartment, containing so many rare articles of vertu and elegant furniture, she grieved to think that it might be despoiled by the ruthless emissaries of the Manchoos. She also grieved to think that she might never again meet her friends within its walls, where she had spent so many happy days. Among these friends one stood prominently before her mind's eye-the foreign soldier to whom she had plighted her troth. She had promised to write to him, should any important matter happen to her or her father, but he had given injunctions that not a word should escape her as to the real motive for their departure. With these restrictions she indited the following epistle (Camela phonetic for Cameron):

"Beloved Ca-me-la,-You will receive this letter after my father and I have left Peking to visit his aged mother, who is ill. It is the duty of the son to attend upon his parents in sickness, although he has other important duties to perform. His honourable superiors in office have granted the request, and we take our departure immediately. Hoping that we shall meet again before the buds are on the trees in spring, your image will remain engraven on the heart of your ever-loving Loo A-Lee.”

On the following day the mandarin and his daughter commenced their flight from Peking.

So startling and so rapid was the course of political events on the demise of the emperor, that the officials at the foreign legations were quite bewildered; and as the communications between them and the Foreign Office were suspended, they had no means of ascertaining the real state of affairs upon trustworthy authority. However, the Chinese runners belonging to the British Embassy managed to pick up the chief news of the day, until the twenty days of suspension had expired. These scraps of intelligence were so interesting that little else was thought of or discussed by all within the precincts of LeangKoong-fuh. I eagerly listened to the news, and looked forward anxiously to the day when I could revisit the mandarin and his daughter to discuss them.

On the nineteenth day from the time I had last seen them I received the letter of A-Lee. From its date it had been purposely held back three days, so that the fugitives had such a start as to preclude the possibility of my reaching them. Though not a hint was given in the note as to their destination, yet I concluded that Meng-kee had gone away to join the Taipings. What most concerned me was whether the emissary Cut-sing accompanied them or not, so I made up my mind to call next day and make inquiries of the gatekeeper. Presenting myself at the gate, I was glad to see the same old man in attendance, and gave him a cumshaw (present of money) on entering the vestibule. It relieved my mind considerably to find that the father and daughter had left in their chairs, with only chair-bearers and luggage-carriers. Indoors I found Meng-kee's relatives and family occupying the house, and was kindly asked to repeat my visits as before.

CHAPTER XVIII.-FLIGHT OF THE MANDARIN AND HIS
DAUGHTER.

My narrative now follows the fortunes of Meng-kee and A-Lee in their flight from Peking. They have since told me that it was a bright autumn morning when they left their home, but the fine weather