we constantly referred to the Geneva Convention and were told every time that the Chinese do not recognize the Geneva Convention in any manner. We pointed out when they brought out this article about prisoners not being able to renounce any of their rights, we pointed out to them they were attempting-as a matter of fact, insisting that we were no longer members of the Armed Forces, we were liberated officers or liberated men, we were students and we were not members of the Armed Forces in any way. They attempted to make us feel this way.

We pointed out they could not do it because we could not renounce our right. Our right was to still be a soldier and still to have our own jurisdiction among ourselves, et cetera. But this made no impression whatsoever, although they used the same argument at Kaesong.

Mr. CARPENTER, Were you allowed to sing our American songs, our national anthem?

Major SHADISH. We were forbidden to sing the national anthem, although with a group of men it is impossible to keep it down all the time. It would break out here and there. Men would be punished as ringleaders on each one of these occasions. It was interesting, a number of hymns were forbidden because it was felt these hymns were national and political in character. And thereby the chaplain was called over and told we would not sing hymns in the services unless he wrote out each hymn to be sung in longhand and take it over to the Chinese for approval. (H., p. 1941).

CORROBORATION

As has been stated above, every detail of Major Shadish's story was supported or amplified by other witnesses, or documents.

One of these documents was an article entitled "Medical Experience in Communists POW Camps in Korea," which appeared in the Journal of the American Medical Association for September 11, 1954. This was written by five American medical officers, who had been prisoners of war. Major Shadish was 1 of the 5. Another was Maj. Clarence L. Anderson, who also testified before us. The article, plus the testimony of Major Anderson, makes clear that the murderous tactics of forced indoctrination which Major Shadish witnessed were typical of the treatment accorded all American prisoners.

Major Anderson gave his own interpretation of the Communist method for throwing a net over the mind, not only in North Korea but everywhere in the world.

THE PAVLOV METHOD

Major ANDERSON. I believe that Communist indoctrination, as it was applied to the prisoners of war in Korea, is a general plan of Communist indoctrination, applying to our group, to the fringe Communist subject nations, and elsewhere. This has been stated by some of the English language Korean periodicals which I came in contact with. It is based essentially on the Pavlov conditioned reflex theory. If I may, I will give you a very brief background on that theory.

In the original experiments, experimental animals were subjected to certain basic stimuli. The one picked out was the taking in of food; the seeing, the smelling, and the taking in of food. The parotid (eparotid) gland, one of the salivary glands, was intubated so that the quantity of flow from this gland could be measured.

Under experimental conditions, then, the animal was allowed to see, smell, and taste the food and the quantity of salivary flow from this parotid gland was measured; then a period of conditioning, during which time, let us say, a bell would be rung at the same time that the animal was allowed to see, smell, and take in food.

After a period of time of the conditioning interval; the animal would respond to the bell alone in the same way that he had responded to the food previously. Now, to make it more applicable to human experimentation, as it was used in our prisoner group, deconditioning can also be carried out in which, if the condition stimulus which produces salivation, the bell for instance, is rung and at the same time a painful stimulus-any sort of an electrical stimulus-is

used, then the animal will more or less forget his previous conditioning; so that this condition reflex is no longer in existence, he has been deconditioned.

Now, to apply this principle to the indoctrination of the prisoners of war in Korea, it is my feeling that every day of captivity from day one of the prisoners' existence as prisoners to the time of their release was a part of a planned indoctrination program which was based on this Pavlov conditioning system (H., pp. 2237-2238).

Major Anderson also noted an article appearing in the November 1951 issue of the China Review. It was allegedly written by an American POW and gave a glowing account of conditions in a POW camp. Major Anderson dissected this article in detail, on the basis of his own experience, and characterized it as "pure and simple Communist propaganda," which had undoubtedly been written under "marked duress."

THE MONITOR SYSTEM AND "THE HOLE"

Carroll Wright, Jr., explained the monitor system through which the China Review was distributed.

Mr. WRIGHT. * * * This periodical was at first distributed to us through this monitor system in our squads. The political commissars in the camp, the English-speaking Chinese that controlled the study program, would issue this magazine to the squad monitors, giving them instructions as to what articles were to be read, and have them conduct or request them to conduct, and where possible to see that it was done, that they were discussed. Normally they require that each member of the squad write some sort of article or comment relative to the article (H., p. 1909).

Cpl. Thomas Page Baylor, Jr., told what happened to him when he resisted forced indoctrination of China Review material.

Corporal BAYLOR. * * * They said I was cunning and cute, so they put me in the hole for a period of 15 days. The first 3 days I was in this hole I didn't receive no kind of medical care or any type of thing to keep my body going. When I was released from this hole during the time that I was in the hole, I was treated pretty bad. I got a couple of beatings by a rifle butt and a shovel, and during this tragedy they took and knocked my front teeth out and bruised my back pretty bad, and they gave me no kind of medical care at all. When I came back, I showed it to some of the fellows, and they asked me what they could do for me. And I told them just if I would write something to the propaganda, they would give me something to heal my wounds, and so forth.

I still refused to do what they wanted me to do. Then I was sent back to the hole about a month later on another article from this China Monthly Review. It was an article on economical something about the capitalism, and I still refused to voice my opinion the way they wanted me to. So I was sent back this time for 33 days. That was the time I caught pneumonia. I had a cold in my back, and in my legs, and in my side. I didn't never see nobody or ever hear of anything for 33 days while I was in this hole. Then I was released and they told me did I realize my mistake, and they forced me to write a confession that I was never to try to overthrow their powers in the prisoner-of-war camps, and not to try to keep the other prisoners from learning what they were teaching *** (H., p. 1905).

Mr. CARPENTER. This morning in executive session you told about what you had to do in order to keep your mental equilibrium. I wish you would explain that to the committee now.

Corporal BAYLOR. Yes; I will. In Camp 3 after I came out of the hole for the 33 months

The CHAIRMAN. You mean 33 days?

me.

Corporal BAYLOR. Thirty-three days. I was so weak that I didn't know whether I was going to go crazy or what. My mind was just about ready to leave So there was another fellow there named-I can't recall his name, but anyway he was from Gary, Ind. We referred to him as Dr. Buzzard. He told me to get some kind of roots and stuff and eat it and that I would pull out of it. Well, the stuff tasted bitter, and nasty, but I took it and did it anyway. Then

I took and bit off my fingernails down to the very edge and rubbed them into the sand and that sort of brought my nerves back to me, and brought back my mind, and it kept me from losing my whole mind altogether. I kept rubbing them in this dirt until I did get my mind back to normal ** (H., pp. 1907, 1908).

Capt. Joseph L. O'Connor testified that The Great Conspiracy was used as a "textbook" in the indoctrination course (H., p. 1960). This was the book which Mr. Bogolepov swore was actually written in the Soviet Foreign Office, though it was published as the alleged work of two Americans, Michael Sayers and Albert Kahn. It was the book which the Communist-dominated New York Teachers' Union circularized during a whole summer's campaign.

CONSPIRACY TO EXTERMINATE

Lt. Col. Jack R. Todd, Chief of the Army's War Crimes Division in Korea, told the subcommittee:

* On the basis of 18 months of investigating alleged reports of atrocities and mistreatment of American prisoners of war, I can truthfully state that everything that these ex-prisoners have testified to here before this committee have been true. They are backed up by hundreds of written statements that I have taken over there, sworn statements, from returned Americans as well as South Korean prisoners of war * * It is my considered opinion that there was a conspiracy on the part of the Communist high command, both Communist and North Korean, to exterminate prisoners of war.

I believe they would have exterminated every single solitary one of them had it not become apparent in the Panmunjom peace talks that they must be able to return some living prisoners of war (H., p. 1946).

"A MURDERER"

Lt. Col. Carl L. Aubrey characterized John W. Powell, the editor of The China Monthly Review, as follows, "He made Benedict Arnold look like an amateur." Captain O'Connor, Capt. Joseph V. Manto, and 1st Lt. Carroll Wright, Jr., also unburdened themselves regarding Powell's conduct.

Captain MANTO. *** It was inconceivable to us, as prisoners over there in North Korea, to realize that an American citizen would let that sort of business go on, that he would print such slander, terrific, filthy lies. That is all it amounted to.

As a matter of fact, it was more than one time that prisoners in my compound remarked that they would like to get their hands on this particular gentleman, Mr. Powell (H., p. 1963).

Captain O'CONNOR. Sir, yesterday I sat here and I ran the gamut of all my emotions. I cried when Mrs. Gill was on that stand, and I was angry when a man, Mr. Powell, was on the stand. I have lost a lot of friends in Korea, sir, good friends. And to think that a man like the man that sat in this chair can come back to the United States and feel free to go around and call a press conference and spread this vicious propaganda in the manner in which he does it; I was angry, sir, filled up to the top.

Chairman JENNER. I can understand your emotions.

Captain O'CONNOR. And I personally feel that if we have laws-and I know we don't have any on the books now but that we get them to take care of people like Mr. Powell. And I am afraid my emotions might overshadow me and I might take it into my own hands if I go down to see the gentleman who writes this type stuff that I was forced to read (H., p. 1961).

Lieutenant WRIGHT.

I feel in my own mind, in my own opinion on it, that any individual that would publish and be responsible for a magazine that

contains such slanderous propaganda and is still able to enjoy the rights and privileges of an American citizen-I feel that it is an injustice to those boys that have given their lives and those boys that endured punishment, such as the corporal, and many others, in trying to resist them. I think that I speak on behalf of all the prisoners, and I am holding myself up on the record as representing them. If I do not, then I hope that they will write and say that they do not share my opinion that this man should definitely receive punitive action, that he does not deserve the rights and privileges of an American citizen that so many boys have given their lives to maintain.

I also think, as I have been sitting here in this trial, trying to restrain the emotion I have felt at the testimony that has been given, and the resort that this man, if we can call him that, has resorted to under the fifth amendment, I can't help but wonder how many of our boys would have come home if they had had something like that. I really feel that in my opinion this man is responsible for physical injury, and also I think directly through his magazine or indirectly, whichever you want to call it, must bear some of the stains of the blood of the boys that did die there, and who did receive punishment. In my opinion I would classify him as a murderer (H., p. 1909).

THE LETTER TO MRS. GILL

John W. Powell himself was present in the hearing room when many of these stories were told. He gave every appearance of being amused by them. He seemed to take particular delight at the testimony of Mrs. Dolores Holmes Gill of Kansas City, Mo.

According to her testimony, Dolores Holmes was married to 2d Lt. Charles L. Gill in June of 1950. Before the end of the month, he was on his way to serve with the United Nations forces in the Korean

war.

On November 2, 1950, he was reported missing in action. His wife received no word from him during the next 2 months, but on January 9, 1951, the Associated Press reported that he made a broadcast over the Peiping radio. Shortly thereafter, she received this letter.

DEAR MRS. GILL: Perhaps you have already received the original copy of your husband's letter to you, but as a fellow Missourian I wanted to make sure that you saw it and in good time. We know from the clippings and magazines we receive from home that there has been little, if any, news on the American POWS except for fabricated atrocity stories, and we felt the enclosed clippings from the local papers here might give you some reassurance.

From our own personal observation of the action of the Chinese People's Government here in Shanghai, we know it is the policy to treat all prisonerscaptured Kuomintang soldiers as well as criminals-with the greatest leniency and fairness in order to win over their support, and we are sure this is the same policy being carried out by the Chinese volunteers in Korea. This accounts for the numerous statements of gratitude and expressions of good will by the American POWs which appear in our local newspapers almost daily.

In addition, there have been several demonstration groups of American and British POWs demanding the end of the "dirty war," for after they have seen the hatred of the Korean people against the Syngman Rhee government and the help being given by the Americans for that hated clique, they cannot help but feel this has all been one tragic mistake. We imagine many people in America must feel the same way also.

We should have sent the enclosed clippings of a letter to Mrs. Foss before, but we did not think of it at the time. Perhaps you would be kind enough to send it on to her. If you would like us to send any further clippings about the POWs or the news on Korea that appears in our local press, please feel free to write us.

Very sincerely,

JOHN W. POWELL (H., p. 1823). Major Anderson testified that he was with Lieutenant Gill in the prison camp at the time Powell sought to assure Mrs. Gill that the lieutenant was being treated "with the greatest leniency." From his

own knowledge, Major Anderson described Lieutenant Gill's condition at that time.

Senator WELKER. He was starving to death; was he not?

Major ANDERSON. Yes, starving to death; yes, sir (H., p. 2246).
Eventually he died of dysentery and malnutrition.

THE CLOSING OF THE NET

Mrs. Gill revealed to the committee a picture of Communist propaganda at its lowest level. It seems unlikely that human beings anywhere have ever stooped lower since the printing press itself was invented.

Two months after she heard from Powell, she had a letter from her husband, telling of his capture. This letter was utilized by the Communist press all over the world. It was reprinted, by the American National Guardian (a pro-Communist publication), the London Daily Worker, and by a Communist newspaper in East Berlin, Germany. Immediately thereafter she became inundated with Communist propaganda from individuals and publications in the United States, Scotland, Czechoslovakia, and China.

Subsequent investigation developed that Mrs. Gill's case was typical. Staff Member Robert C. McManus visited Boston, Mass., and found widespread evidence that relatives of other American POWs had become targets of Communist propaganda, in precisely the same way as Mrs. Gill had. They also received letters from the China Review and the National Guardian.

Evidence collected by Mr. McManus indicated that, "This device of working on the relatives of prisoners is also a means of trying to drum up subscriptions and circulation for Communist publications." He produced for the record, cards soliciting subscriptions which were received by William D. Scott, 4 Auburn Street, Wakefield, Mass., who was the father of an American POW who is still missing. One of these cards was sent to Mr. Scott by the National Guardian which was an agent for the China Review inside the United States. Another was sent by the Blue Heron Press to advertise The Passion of Sacco and Vanzetti by Howard Fast, a Communist author known throughout the world. Both cards bore the addressograph plate No. 9564-53-S.

Mr. Scott also received subscription solicitations from the New World Review headed by Jessica Smith. Jessica Smith is the widow of the late Harold M. Ware, an agent of Lenin from the earliest days of the Bolshevik revolution and the man who directed the original infiltration of the United States Government by secret Communists (H., pp. 2217, 2218).

"PEACE"

The subcommittee found that one theme appeared again and again in all this worldwide propaganda barrage. That was the false cry of "peace." This propaganda was intended to tie the hands of the American military forces.

It is clearly self-evident that when the Chinese Communists crossed the Yalu River to attack the United Nations forces they were not seeking peace. They learned later, however, that they had to beg for it when they were in danger of defeat. The various senior com