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Captain Kerr also stated that among the documents on hand at the Camp Pickett Library was the thrice weekly Information Bulletin issued by the Soviet Embassy (H., p. 1472).

MISEDUCATION BY COMPULSION

Ralph de Toledano told the subcommittee more about the "fattening up" process. Mr. de Toledano is presently an associate editor of Newsweek magazine. During World War II, he was an I. and E. officer.

Mr. DE TOLEDANO. ✶ ✶✶ From the information and education point of view, my most important job was to brief the orientation noncoms and officers once a week on what was called the orientation line. The material for this briefing was prepared in part by I. and E. in Washington, and was the Army Talks which were mentioned earlier in the testimony, and then it was sort of fattened up by the Information and Education Branch of the Antilles Department, which was right above Fort Brook.

I read the material very thoroughly each week and prepared my briefing on the basis of it. The incident that comes to mind concerns a briefing on the Chinese Communists. Material had come from Washington on the Chinese Communists and, as I said, it had been fattened by the Antilles Department, I. and E. I received the material, read it very carefully, and it was very clear that this material followed the Communist Party line completely. It described the Chinese Communists as agrarian reformers. It said they were not really Communists. It said that we should get along with them; that they were friends of the United States (H., p. 1479).

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I read the material and realized exactly what it was, and I called up the colonel in charge, whose name I don't remember. He was a perfectly loyal American. He had been a Vermont schoolteacher, and he just wasn't "hep" when it came to propaganda. I explained to him precisely what I was supposed to pass on to orientation noncoms and officers. We had quite a hassle over it, and I refused categorically to pass it on. He made it very clear that I had four stripes and that I could be court-martialed for this, but I still refused to pass it on.

After considerable discussion, he agreed to let me read the material as it was prepared, and then answer it. That is precisely what was done (ibid.). May I add one other small incident which occurred in the course of my duties as Information and Education chief of section. One of my jobs, as I said before, was to put out the newspapers that we distributed to the troops. One of these papers was a weekly called the Sentry Box. I wrote the editorials. During the summer of 1945, I wrote an editorial on the Soviet Union, highly critical of the Soviet Union, and in the editorial there was one line that the world cannot exist half slave and half free.

As a result of that editorial and that line in particular, censorship of a sort was placed on the newspaper where no censorship had existed before. That is, I had to submit my editorials each week, from that point on, to Antilles Department, Information and Education, for O. K. (H., 1484–1485).

Mr. de Toledano described another part of the Army "education" program, in which "the wrong things about the Soviet Union" were jammed down the throats of patriotic young Americans.

Mr. DE TOLEDANO. I was sent up to Cornell University under the area and language program to study Italian. There were four language study groups at Cornell-Italian, German, Chinese, and Russian. It was the practice to have the entire unit, all 4 language groups, hear 1 lecture by the head of each language group on the geography and customs of that particular area. We were called in to hear a speech on Russian geography and customs, and so on, by the head of the Russian program whose name was Vladimir Kazakevich. Kazakevich was known to me then as a Soviet propagandist. I believe, although I am not certain, that he had registered with the State Department as

a Soviet propagandist. He had been on the staff of Science and Society, a Communist theoretical organ. I knew his record.

So when he began to speak, I took notes. Instead of talking about Russian geography and Russian customs, he delivered a political speech. It was a riproaring speech, in part attacking the United States Army, praising the Soviet Union, criticizing the military record of the United States Army (H., p. 1478).

THE CAMP CROWDER DOCUMENT

As is already apparent, praise for the U. S. S. R. and criticism of the United States, Great Britain, and other non-Communist nations was a common characteristic of I. and E. material. The most unblushing example of this was found in a voluminous document drawn up for a week-long orientation course on Russo-American Relations in War and Peace, at Camp Crowder, Mo. This purported to be the work of "2 CSCS students, Cpl. Stanley Schoenbrod and Pvt. Edward Dassin, of Company D, 804th Signal Training Regiment."

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Its general tone may be indicated by a glance at one of its concluding paragraphs.

*** We can now feel well certain that ultimate victory is ours, but while congratulating ourselves upon our successes there is not one among us who is unmindful of the fact that those successes would not have been possible if it were not for the heroic sacrifices of the Russian people and the valiant achievements of the Red army. Had the Soviet Union, instead, succumbed to the onslaught of the Nazi blitzkrieg, the course of the entire war would have undoubtedly been vastly different. Perhaps this gratitude may prove to be an important factor in overcoming the last vestiges of the Bolshevist bogey and in insuring that the words "Bolshevist," "Communist," "Red," "Soviet," and "Russia" can no longer be used to lead the world into mistakes such as those that were made in the past (H., p. 1649).

CONCLUSIONS

1. During the latter part of World War II, the Information and Education Division of the United States Army had powers of compulsory indoctrination over 8 million American soldiers. This in itself is not unreasonable, since the people have a right to require that their Government explain to the members of the Armed Forces the purpose for which they are asked to lay down their lives. However, adequate precautions were not taken to insure that loyal Americans were in charge of the compulsory indoctrination program.

2. A group of Communists or pro-Communists infiltrated into controlling positions in the Information and Education program and brought it about that 8 million American soldiers were taught the wrong things about communism, the wrong things about the U. S. S. R., the wrong things about Communist China, and the wrong things about Americans who oppose communism.

3. Evidence is lacking to establish how much of the Information and Education program was accepted in good faith by the 8 million. American soldiers who were forcibly exposed to it. Nevertheless, the subcommittee believes there is grave danger that some of the wrong things may have found lodging in the minds of many loyal Americans.

RECOMMENDATIONS

1. The teaching of traditional American doctrines and beliefs to the members of the United States Armed Forces and the explanation of the causes for which they are asked to fight are a major function in the whole effort of the United States to keep itself free. Those who conduct this teaching occupy posts of the highest sensitivity. Consequently, they should be subject to high security standards.

SECTION IX

INDOCTRINATION OR DEATH!

As already stated, since the subcommittee came into existence we have conducted a continuing study of methods by which the Kremlin cast its "net" over the western mind.

Mr. Bogolepov described Moscow's "very big business" of producing pro-Communist books and articles in the Soviet Foreign Office, which western "intelligentsia" published falsely as the products of their own "scholarship." The Communist-dominated New York Teachers' Union devoted a whole summer campaign to the circulation of one such book, The Great Conspiracy.

Dr. Dodd detailed other methods by which Communist teachers taught "the wrong things about the Soviet Union," not only to American schoolchildren, but also to the American people as a whole.

The IPR investigation revealed an effective propaganda apparatus, partially financed by great capitalist fortunes, which helped turn American thinking about the Far East, and helped turn American policy with regard to the Far East into channels of disaster.

The investigation of the Army's I. and E. program showed the tiniest Communist fraction forcing Communist propaganda down the throats of 8 million American boys.

There is a progression here which must be carefully noted.

The "very big business" of producing books in Moscow to be published under the signature of British and American "intelligentsia" made a mockery of honest scholarship. Nevertheless, it had no aspect of compulsion about it as far as the western mind was concerned. The IPR apparatus was sinuous, malicious, and ubiquitous, but again it had no power within itself of compulsory indoctrination. But when the "very big business" in Moscow laid hands on the Teachers' Union in New York City, compulsory indoctrination began to show its face, for teachers in public schools have a captive audience, which must attend their classes and give heed to their views. When the IPR Communists combined with the I. and E. Communists, the minds of 8 million young Americans also came under the lash, since the entire I. and E. program, contrived by Communists whose leader was also a psychiatrist, was compulsory for every man who wore an army uniform. At least one man, Ralph de Toledano, was threatened with courtmartial for attempting to resist it.

The last chapter in this narrative of Communist indoctrination is concerned with the group of Americans, previously described, who have been and are giving aid and comfort to the cause of Red China both in the United States and the Far East.

WILLIAM H. HINTON

The first witness called in our investigation of this group was William H. Hinton. On the basis of his testimony, the chairman subsequently described him as follows:

*** Hinton is a former American newspaperman. He had been farm manager for the Putney School at Putney, Vt. Toward the end of World War II, he was sent to China by the Office of War Information. He returned to the United States in the spring of 1945 and was organizer for the National Farmers Union. He went back to China as an official of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration in 1947. When the Moscow-armed Chinese Communists took over the Chinese mainland in the fall of 1949, this man Hinton remained as an employee of the Communist Government.

He returned to the United States in August 1953, after a stopover in Moscow. Since his arrival in this country, he has been propagandizing on behalf of the brainwashing, soul-killing Red Chinese, whose soldiers were torturing and slaying Hinton's fellow Americans at the very moment he was on Red China's payroll (H., p. 1819).

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*** One sister, Jean, was a friend of the notorious Nathan Gregory Silvermaster and worked under him at the old Farm Security Administration. Another sister, Joan, was an atomic research assistant at the Los Alamos project where she had access to classified material. Like her brother, William, Joan also went to China and stayed there after the Communist triumph. She got a job through another American, Gerald Tannebaum, who was executive director of the China Welfare Fund headed by Mme. Sun Yat-sen. *** In China, Joan married Erwin Engst, who was also an old UNRRA man. Today the Engsts are somewhere in the depths of Inner Mongolia, serving the Communist cause. Joan came out of obscurity long enough to make a bitterly anti-American speech at the Communist-inspired fraud known as the Asian and Pacific Peace Conference, regarding which the subcommittee also expects to reveal a great deal.

The Putney school, which is run by William Hinton's mother and where he himself was employed, is a story in itself. One of its faculty members was Edwin S. Smith. Smith later became a registered propagandist for the Soviet Government. He distributed photographs attempting to prove that the United States practiced germ warfare in North Korea. Another person closely assoIciated with Putney was Owen Lattimore. The subcommittee found, after a 15-month inquiry, that Lattimore was a "conscious, articulate instrument in the Soviet Conspiracy."

Lattimore built the Pacific Operations Branch of OWI, for which Hinton later worked in Chungking. John K. Fairbank was at the top of OWI's Chinese organization. Benjamin Kizer ran the Chinese branch of UNRRA for which Hinton also worked.

Lattimore, Fairbank, and Kizer all were key figures in the Institute of Pacific Relations. All three were named as Communists in sworn testimony before us. All three denied the charge, but when counsel for the subcommittee asked Hinton about his connections with Lattimore and Kizer, he said it might incriminate him to give a true answer to the question (H., pp. 1819–1820).

Hinton also wrote an article for the China Monthly Review which was reprinted in the Daily People's World, west-coast organ of the Communist Party. The editor of the China Review, which carried the original article, was one John W. Powell, the most important individual so far examined in the group of Americans described above. The China Review, for which John W. Powell acknowledged absolute editorial responsibility, was published in Shanghai, China,

throughout the period of the Korean war (H., pp. 1864, 1882, 1888, 1893).

MAJOR SHADISH SKETCHES THE PORTRAIT

Maj. William Raymond Shadish, an Army physician who was a prisoner of the Chinese Communists in North Korea for 33 months, painted Powell's original word picture. His testimony was supported and amplified by the widow of one of his comrades, by a dozen other POW's and by comprehensive documentation prepared by the subcommittee staff.

Major SHADISH. I was in three permanent camps. The first camp was known to the prisoners as Death Valley. We believed it was in the town called Hofong.

** The second camp, No. 5, at Pyoktong. The third was camp No. 2 at Ping-Chon-Ni.

*Forced indoctrination was practiced in the camps in which I was held. The first contact I had with the organized indoctrination was in March of 1951, at which time I came to camp No. 5. It was being practiced with all of the prisoners there. I was in the position of being the sick-call physician and therefore was exempt from this study program until July of 1951, at which time I was relieved of my duties as sick-call physician, sent to the officers' company. And from there, then until March of 1952 we had a continuous concentrated program.

The CHAIRMAN. Were the sick and wounded required to attend?

Major SHADISH. The sick and wounded that were not in the hospital, and that was a larger number of men, were required to attend regardless of their condition.

The program varied in time consumed, but would consume on the average about 6 hours a day of formal education. This was all indoctrination and outright Communist type of studies.

Mr. CARPENTER. Can you tell the committee what material was used in order to indoctrinate the prisoners of war?

Major SHADISH. Yes, sir. We had a large assortment of material from which our lecturers would present their programs. Among them was the China Weekly and China Monthly Review. Also, the Shanghai News, the New York Daily Worker, the London Daily Worker, the San Francisco Peoples World, a magazine called Masses and Main Stream, another called Political Affairs, a large number of Chinese and Russian magazines, New Times from Russia, and Soviet literature from Russia. There were a large number of books. William Z. Foster of the United States had a number of books in camp. Among them was his History of the Communist Party of the United States, his History of the Americas. There were a large number of books by Howard Fast. There were books by Russian authors such as Gorky, all of which had the Communist theme as their centerpiece.

Mr. CARPENTER. I call your attention to the easel over here at the side of the room. Are there reproductions of the China Monthly Review as you saw them in prisoner-of-war camps? Are those reasonable reproductions? Major SHADISH. Yes; they are.

Mr. CARPENTER. You have seen these various magazines in the camp? Major SHADISH. I believe I have seen all of these before in the camps. Mr. CARPENTER. Can you tell us how they used the China Monthly Review in their propaganda activity?

Major SHADISH. Yes, sir. The ordinary program for study was divided up among various types of approaches. There would be lectures by English-speaking Chinese, there would be discussion periods in which we were supposed to discuss various articles. Before these discussion periods various publications were distributed to each squad of men to read, and in these publications there would be articles marked with red crayon as required reading. Among the publications most commonly received was this China Monthly Review. Many of the articles were required to be read, and comment was required to be made upon it.

I would like to say there was no middle-of-the-road affair. The Communists did not practice that. We were told that you had one opinion. It had to be one side or the other side. If you did not comment for the article, you were

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