his enemies, or the very enemies to their takers indeed, if they were suffered to live, contrary to his accustomed gentleness, commanded, by sound of trumpet, that every man (upon pain of death) should incontinently kill his prisoner." The Chronicler describes the lamentable slaughter that ensued, and adds: "Some write, that the king perceiving his enemies in one part to assemble together, as though they meant to give a new battle, for preservation of the prisoners, sent to them an herald, commanding them either to depart out of his sight, or else to come forward at once and give battle; promising herewith, that if they did offer to fight again, not only those prisoners which his people already had taken, but also so many of them as in this new conflict which they thus attempted should fall into his hands, should die the death without redemption. The Frenchmen, fearing the sentence of so terrible a decree, without further delay parted out of the field." Shakspeare takes both accounts. Contemporary historians do not make the case quite clear; but I think that it is established that there was an actual attack upon the baggage and the "boys," who were left as its only guard; and, probably, the English troops were quite incompetent to keep their prisoners safe, and, at the same time, to resist a fresh attack.* And it is to be observed, that * See Nicolas, 124; and Tyler, ii. 169. Henry countermanded his order so soon as the danger appeared to be over; and that the French writers support Holinshed's averment, that the ringleaders in the attack upon the baggage were afterwards punished by their own chiefs.* Mountjoy now comes again, no longer for ransom, but for leave to assist and bury their dead. And in the enumeration of French, slain and taken prisoners, Holinshed is closely followed. This Chronicler gives two estimates of the English loss, of which Shakspeare selects the lower and more improbable, which states it at twenty-five persons; though Holinshed himself says that those writers are of greater credit who estimate the loss at 500 or 600 persons. Of commanders, besides those I have named, there are mentioned "Sir Richard Ketley,† Davy Gam, Esquire." Of this Welsh squire it is related, that when questioned as to the number of the enemy, he answered, "My liege, there are enough to be slain, enough to be taken prisoners, and enough to run away."+ It is in one of the comic scenes that the king * Fenin, in Petitot, viii. 276; Barante, iv. 249; Nicolas, 129; Laboureur, in Nic. 274. + The name appears to be Kighley. See Nicolas, 128, &c. Tyler, ii. 185. From tradition, as it appears to me. alludes to his personal contest with the Duke of Alençon. "When Alençon and myself were down together."* There are various accounts of this rencounter, but all agree that these two chiefs were personally engaged.+ This fourth act closes with the king's humble attribution of the victory to God only; to Henry's Christian piety, in every stage of his expedition, there is abundant testimony.† The chorus to the fifth act conveys the king home : "So swift a pace has thought, that even now The mayor, and all his brethren, in best sort,— + Nicolas, 127. Shakspeare follows Holinshed, 81. This is from Holinshed: "The Mayor of London, and the aldermen, appear in orient grained scarlet, and four hundred commoners clad in beautiful murry, well mounted and trimly horsed, with rich collars and great chains, met the king on Blackheath, rejoicing at his return; and the clergy of London, with rich crosses, sumptuous capes, and massive censers, received him at St. Thomas of Walerengs, with solemn procession. The king, like a great and sober personage, and as one remembering from whom all victories are sent, seemed little to regard such vain pomp and shows as were in triumphant sort devised for his welcoming home from so prosperous a journey, insomuch that he would not suffer his helmet to be carried with him, whereby might have appeared to the people the blows and dents that were to be seen in the same; neither would he suffer any ditties to be made and sung by minstrels of his glorious victory, for that he would wholly have the praise and thanks altogether given to God." Chorus here makes a comparison: "As, by a lower but by loving likelihood, Were now the general of our gracious empress, How many would the peaceful city quit, To welcome him? much more, and much more cause, Did they this Harry." If this play was written, as Mr. Malone conjectures, in 1599,* it is unquestionably probable that the allusion here is to the Earl of Essex; but that is not certain. The dates would suit Mountjoy, who accepted the office of Lord Deputy after Essex's return, and who was much more successful in broaching rebellion. I think that Shakspeare's lines, which are supposed to furnish an instance of the devotion of poets to the unaccountable Essex, are surely only moderately complimentary; if, indeed, they are not intended as a rebuke of popular applause bestowed upon an unworthy object. Chorus goes on :— "The emperor's coming in behalf of France, Perhaps the readers of Shakspeare are not generally aware of the multitude of events, and the long periods, which they are called upon to imagine. The impression conveyed by the play is, that the victory of Agincourt was speedily followed by Bosw., ii. 359. It is partly by this passage, supposed to allude to Essex, that the date is fixed. But though the argument is circular, I believe it to be sound, for the play was entered and printed in 1600. |