Jacob, with his sons, now entered into possessian of some of the best land of Egypt, where they carried on their pastoral occupations, and enjoyed a very large share of earthly prosperity. The aged patriarch, after being strangely tossed about on a very rough ocean, found at last a tranquil harbour, where all the best affections of his nature were gently exercised and largely unfolded. After a lapse of time Joseph, being informed that his father was sick, went to him, when Israel strengthened himself, and sat up in his bed. He acquainted Joseph with the divine promise of the land of Canaan which yet remained to be fulfilled, and took Joseph's sons, Ephraim and Manasseh, in place of Reuben and Simeon, whom he had lost. How impressive is his benediction in Joseph's family! And Israel said unto Joseph, I had not thought to see thy face: and, lo, God hath showed me also thy seed' (Gen. xlviii. 11). "God, before whom my fathers Abraham and Isaac did walk, the God which fed me all my life long unto this day, the angel which redeemed me from all evil, bless the lads; and let my name be named on them, and the name of my fathers; and let them grow into a multitude in the midst of the earth' (ver. 15, 16). And Israel said unto Joseph, Behold I die; but God will be with you and bring you again to the land of your fathers' (ver. 21). Then having convened his sons, the venerable patriarch | pronounced on them also a blessing, which is full of the loftiest thought, expressed in the most poetical diction, and adorned by the most vividly descriptive and engaging imagery, showing how deeply religious bis character had become, how freshly it retained its fervour to the last, and how greatly it had increased in strength, elevation, and dignity: And when Jacob had made an end of commanding his sons, he gathered up his feet into the bed and yielded up the ghost, and was gathered unto his people' (Gen. xlix. 33).-J. R. B.

JAEL wild goat; Sept. 'Iahλ), wife of Heber, the Kenite. When Sisera, the general of Jabin, had been defeated, he alighted from his chariot, hoping to escape best on foot from the hot pursuit of the victorious Israelites. On reach ing the tents of the nomade chief, he remembered that there was peace between his sovereign and the house of Heber; and, therefore, applied for the hospitality and protection to which he was thus entitled. This request was very cordially granted by the wife of the absent chief, who received the vanquished warrior into the inner part of the tent, where he could not be discovered by strangers without such an intrusion as eastern customs would not warrant. She also brought him milk to drink, when he asked only water; and then covered him from view, that he might enjoy repose the more securely. As he slept, a horrid thought occurred to Jael, which she hastened too promptly to execute. She took one of the tent nails, and with a mallet, at one fell blow, drove it through the temples of the sleeping Sisera. Soon after, Barak and his people arrived in pursuit, and were shown the lifeless body of the man they sought. This deed drew much attention to Jael, and preserved the camp from molestation by the victors; and there is no disputing that her act

VOL. II.

It does not seem difficult to understand the object of Jael in this painful transaction. Her motives seem to have been entirely prudential, and, on prudential grounds, the very circumstance which renders her act the more odious-the peace subsisting between the nomade chief and the king of Hazor-must, to her, have seemed to make it the more expedient. She saw that the Israelites had now the upper hand, and was aware that, as being in alliance with the oppressors of Israel, the camp might expect very rough treatment from the pursuing force; which would be greatly aggravated if Sisera were found sheltered within it. This calamity she sought to avert, and to place the house of Heber in a favourable position with the victorious party. She probably justified the act to herself, by the consideration that as Sisera would certainly be taken and slain, she might as well make a benefit out of his inevitable doom, as incur utter ruin in the attempt to protect him. We have been grieved to see the act vindicated as authorized by the usages of ancient warfare, of rude times, and of ferocious manners. There was not warfare, but peace between the house of Heber and the prince of Hazor; and, for the rest, we will venture to affirm that there does not now, and never did exist, in any country, a set of usages under which the act of Jael would be deemed right.

It is much easier to explain the conduct of Jael than to account for the praise which it receives in the triumphal ode of Deborah and Barak. But the following remarks will go far to remove the difficulty:-There is no doubt that Sisera would have been put to death, if he had been taken alive by the Israelites. The war usages of the time warranted such treatment, and there are numerous examples of it. They had, therefore, no regard to her private motives, or to the particular relations between Heber and Jabin, but beheld her only as the instrument of accomplishing what was usually regarded as the final and crowning act of a great victory. And the unusual circumstance that this act was performed by a woman's hand, was, according to the notions of the time, so great a humiliation, that it could hardly fail to be dwelt upon, in contrasting the result with the proud confidence of victory which had at the outset been entertained (Josh. iv. 5).

1. JAIR (, enlightener; Sept. 'Iatp), son of Segub, of the tribe of Manasseh by his mother, and of Judah by his father. He appears to have distinguished himself in an expedition against the kingdom of Bashan, the time of which is disputed, but may probably be referred to the last year of the life of Moses, B.C. 1451. It seems to have formed part of the operations connected with the conquest of the country east of the Jordan. He settled in the part of Argob bordering on Gilead, where we find twenty-three villages named collectively Havoth-jair, or 'Jair's villages' (Num. xxxii. 41; Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xiii. 30; Ì Chron. ii. 22).

2. JAIR, eighth judge of Israel, of Gilead, in in Manasseh, beyond the Jordan; and therefore, probably descended from the preceding, with whom, indeed, he is sometimes confounded. He ruled

JAMES, 'lákwBos. Two, if not three persons of this name are mentioned in the New Testament.

τοῦ

JAIRUS ('Iάeipos), a ruler of the synagogue at Capernaum, whose daughter Jesus restored to life (Mark v. 22; Luke viii. 41).

JAMBRES AND JANNES Claußpñs kal 'lavvis), two of the Egyptian magicians who attempted by their enchantments (D, occulta artes, Gesenius) to counteract the influence on Pharaoh's mind of the miracles wrought by Moses. Their names occur nowhere in the Hebrew Scriptures, and only once in the New Testament (2 Tim. iii. 8). The Apostle Paul became acquainted with them, most probably, from an ancient Jewish tradition, or, as Theodoret expresses it, from the unwritten teaching of the Jews (τῆς ἀγράφου τῶν Ἰουδαίων διδασκαλίας). They are found frequently in the Talmudical and Rabbinical writings, but with some variations. Thus, for Jannes we meet with D11, D'',

Of these, the three last are יואני,יוחני יוחנא

forms of the Hebrew ', which has led to the supposition that 'lavvis is a contracted form of the Greek 'Iwávvns. Some critics consider that these names were of Egyptian origin, and, in that case, the Jewish writers must have been misled by a similarity of sound to adopt the forms abovementioned. For Jambres we find D, DD, D'ap', Dinapi", and in the Shalsheleth Hakkabala the two names are given DNI NI, i. e. Johannes and Ambrosius! The Targum of Jonathan inserts them in Exod. vii. 11. The same writer also gives as a reason for Pharaoh's edict for the destruction of the Israelitish male children, that this monarch had a dream in which the land of Egypt appeared in one scale and a lamb in another; that on awakening he sought for its interpretation from his wise men ; whereupon Jannes and Jambres (D']"_0'') said- A son is to be born in the congregation of Israel who will desolate the whole land of Egypt.' Several of the Jewish writers speak of Jannes and Jambres as the two sons of Balaam, and assert that they were the youths (y, servants, Auth. Vers.) who went with him to the king of Moab (Num. xxii. 22). The Pythagorean philosopher Numenius mentions these persons in a passage preserved by Eusebius (Præp. Evang. ix. 8), and by Origen (c. Cels. iv. p. 198, ed. Spencer); also Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxx. 1). There was an ancient apocryphal writing entitled Jannes and Mambres, which is referred to by Origen (in Matt. Comment. § 117; Opera, v. 29), and by Ambrosiaster, or Hilary the Deacon: it was condemned by Pope Gelasius (Wetstenii Nov. Test. Græc. ii. 362; Buxtorf, Lex. Talm. Rabb. col. 945; Lightfoot's Sermon on Jannes and Jambres; Works, vii. 89; Erubhin, or Miscellanies, ch. xxiv.; Works,

1. JAMES, the son of Zebedee (láкwВos Zeßedaíov), and brother of the evangelist John. Their occupation was that of fishermen, probably at Bethsaida, in partnership with Simon Peter (Luke v. 10). On comparing the account given in Matt. iv. 21, Mark i. 19, with that in John i., it would appear that James and John had been acquainted with our Lord, and had received him as the Messiah, some time before he called them to attend upon him statedly-a call with which they immediately complied. Their mother's name was Salome. We find James, John, and Peter associated on several interesting occasions in the Saviour's life. They alone were present at the Transfiguration (Matt. xvii. 1; Mark ix. 2; Luke ix. 28); at the restoration to life of Jairus's daughter (Mark v. 42; Luke viii. 51); and in the garden of Gethsemane during the agony (Mark xiv. 33; Matt. xxvi. 37; Luke xxi. 37). With Andrew they listened in private to our Lord's discourse on the fall of Jerusalem (Mark xiii. 3). James and his brother appear to have indulged in false notions of the kingdom of the Messiah, and were led by ambitious views to join in the request made to Jesus by their mother (Matt. xx. 20-23; Mark x. 35). From Luke ix. 52, we may infer that their temperament was warm and impetuous. On account, probably, of their boldness and energy in discharging their Apostleship, they received from their Lord the appellation of Boanerges, or Sons of Thunder (For the various explanations of this title given by the fathers see Suiceri Thes. Eccles. s. v. Bporth, and Lücke's Commentar, Bonn, 1840; Einleitung, c. i. § 2, p. 17). James was the first martyr among the Apostles. Clement of Alexandria, in a fragment preserved by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. i. 9), reports that the officer who conducted James to the tribunal was so influenced by the bold declaration of his faith as to embrace the Gospel and avow himself also a Christian; in consequence of which he was beheaded at the same time.

2. JAMES, the son of Alphæus (IákwBos & Toû 'Axpaíov), one of the twelve Apostles (Mark iii. 18; Matt. x. 3; Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13). His mother's name was Mary (Matt. xxvii. 56; Mark xv. 40); in the latter passage he is called James the Less (8 pukpós, the Little), either as being younger than James the son of Alphæus, or on account of his low stature (Mark xvi. 1; Luke xxiv. 10).

3. JAMES, the brother of the Lord (d àdeλpòs TOû Kupiov; Gal. i. 19). Whether this James is identical with the son of Alphæus, is a question which Dr. Neander pronounces to be the most difficult in the Apostolic history, and which cannot yet be considered as decided. We read in Matt. xiii. 55, Is not his mother called Mary, and his brethren James, and Joses, and Simon, and Judas?' and in Mark vi. 3, Is not this the carpenter, the son of Mary, and brother of James and Joses, and of Juda and Simon? and are not his sisters here with us? Those critics who suppose the terms of affinity in these and parallel passages to be used in the laxer sense of near relations, have remarked that in Mark xv. 40, mention

and at last dispatched by a blow on the head with a fuller's pole (Lardner's Supplement, ch. xvi., Works, vi. p. 174; Neander, History of the Planting, &c. vol. ii. pp. 9, 22, Eng. transl.). Dr. Niemeyer enumerates not less than five persons of this name, by distinguishing the son of Alphæus from James the less, and assuming that the James last mentioned in Acts i. 13 was not the brother, but the father of Judas (Charakteristik der Bibel, Halle, 1830, i. 399).—J. E. R. JAMES, EPISTLE OF [ANTILEGOMENA]. This is called by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. ii. 23) the first of the Catholic Epistles. As the writer simply styles himself James, a servant of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ, doubts have existed, both in ancient and modern times, respecting the true

an account of his martyrdom. To him, therefore, is the authorship of an epistle addressed to the Jewish Christians with good reason ascribed.

The other opinion, which considers the epistle as pseudepigraphal, we shall consider in treating of its

...

Authenticity and Canonical Authority.-Eusebius (ut supra) observes that 'James, the brother of Jesus, who is called Christ, is said to have written the first of the Catholic epistles; but it is to be observed, that it is considered spurious (voleveтai). Not many of the ancients have mentioned it, nor that called the Epistle of Jude. Nevertheless, we know that these, with the rest, are publicly read in most of the churches.' To the same effect St. Jerome :- St. James, surnamed the Just, who is called the Lord's brother, is the author of only one epistle, one of the seven called Catholic, which, however, is said to have been published by some other who assumed his name, although in the progress of time it gradually acquired authority.' Dr. Lardner is of opinion that this statement of St. Jerome is a mere repeti

The chief authority for ascribing this epistle to James the son of Zebedee, is the inscription to the Syriac manuscript, published by Widmandstadt, wherein it is termed the earliest writing in the New Testament,' and to an Arabic MS. cited by Cornelius a Lapide. Isidore of Seville, and other Spanish writers interested in maintaining that James travelled into Spain (Calmet's Commentary), assert that James the son of Zebedee visited in person the 'twelve tribes scattered' through that as well as other countries, and afterwards addressed to them this epistle. The Mozarabic liturgy also supports the same view, and the old Italic, published by Martianay, contains the inscription Explicit Epistola Jacobi fil. Zebedæi. But this opinion has obtained very few suffrages; for, as Calmet has observed (Pref. to his Commentary), it is not credible that so great progress had been made among the dispersed Jews before the martyrdom of James, which took place at Jerusalem about A.D. 42; and if the author, as has been commonly supposed, alludes to St. Paul's Epistles to the Romans (A.D. 58) and Galatians (A.D. 55), it would be a manifest anachronism to ascribe this epistle to the son of Zebedee.

The claim to the authorship of the epistle, therefore, rests between James the Lord's brother,' and James the son of Alphæus. In the preceding article the difficult question, whether these names do not, in fact, refer to the same person, has been examined: it suffices, in this place, to state that no writer who regards James 'the Lord's brother' as distinct from James the son of Alphæus, has held the latter to be the author of the epistle and therefore, if no claim be advanced for the son of Zebedee, James the brother of the Lord' remains the only person whom the name at the head of this epistle could be intended to designate.

Hegesippus, cited by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. ii. 23), acquaints us that James, the brother of Jesus, who obtained the surname of the Just, governed the church of Jerusalem along with, or after the apostles (μerà Tŵv åπOσTÓλwv). Eusebius (1. c.) relates that he was the first who held the episcopate of Jerusalem (Jerome says for thirty years); and both he and Josephus (Antiq. xx. 9. 1) give

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the fourth century by Theodore of Mopsuestia, and in the sixth by Cosmas Indicopleustes [ANTILEGOMENA]. It is, however, cited by Clemens Romanus in his first or genuine Epistle to the Corinthians (ch. x., comp. with James ii. 21, 23; and ch. xi., comp. with James ii. 25, and Heb. xi. 31). It seems to be alluded to in the Shepherd of Hermas, Resist the devil, and he will be confounded and flee from you.' It is also generally believed to be referred to by Irenæus (Hær. iv. 16, 2), Abraham believed God, and it was,' &c. Origen cites it in his Comment. on John i. xix. iv. 306, calling it, however, the reputed epistle of James [ANTILEGOMENA]. We have the authority of Cassiodorus for the fact that Clemens Alexandrinus commented on this epistle; and it is not only expressly cited by Ephrem Syrus (Opp. Græc. iii. 51, James the brother of our Lord says weep and howl," together with other references), but it forms part of the ancient Syriac version, a work of the second century, and which contains no other of the Antilegomena, except the Epistle to the Hebrews. But though not quoted expressly by any of the Latin fathers before the fourth century' (Hug's Introduction), it was, soon after the time of the Council of Nice, received both in the eastern and western churches without any marks of doubt, and was admitted into the canon along with the other Scriptures by the Councils of Hippo and Carthage. Nor (with the above exceptions) does there appear to have been a voice raised against it since that period until the era of the Reformation, when the ancient doubts were revived by Erasmus (who maintains that the author was not an apostle, Annot. in N. T.), Cardinal Cajetan (Comment. in 7 Canonic. Epist., 1532), and Luther. Cajetan observes that the salutation is unlike that of any other of the apostolical salutations, containing nothing of God, of grace, or peace, but sending greetings after the profane manner, from which, and his not naming himself an apostle, the author is rendered uncertain.' We have already referred to Luther's opinion [ANTILEGOMENA], who is generally accused of calling this an epistle of straw. The following are his words :-This epistle, in comparison with the writings of John,

Paul, and Peter, is a right strawy epistle (eine | rechte stroberne epistel), being destitute of an evangelic character' (Præf. to N. T.). And again (Pref. to James and John),—"This epistle, although rejected by the ancients, I notwithstanding praise and esteem, as it teaches no doctrines of men, and strenuously urges the law of God. But, to give my opinion frankly, though without prejudice to any other person, I do not hold it to be the writing of an apostle-and these are my reasons; first, it directly opposes St. Paul and other Scriptures in ascribing justification to works, saying that Abraham was justified by works, whereas St. Paul teaches that Abraham was justified by faith without works; .... but this James does nothing but urge on to the law and its works, and writes so confusedly and unconnectedly that it appears to me like as if some good pious man got hold of a number of sayings from the apostles' followers, and thus flung them on paper; or it is probably written by some one after the apostle's preaching.' The centuriators of Magdeburg follow the same train of thought. In addition to the argument derived from the testimony of antiquity, there are other and by no means obscure indications from which it may be collected that the authors of these epistles (James and Jude) were not apostles. The Epistle of James differs not slightly from the analogy of doctrine, in ascribing justification not to faith alone, but to works, and calls the law "a law of liberty," whereas the law "generates to bondage." Nor is it unlikely that it was written by some disciple of the apostles at the close of this (the first) century, or even later' (Cent. i. 1. 2. c. 4 col. 54). The same sentiments are followed by Cheunits, Brentius, and others among the Lutherans, and among the Greeks by Cyril Lucaris, patriarch of Constantinople in the seventeenth century (Lettres Anecdotes de Cyrille Lucar, Amst. 1718, Letter vii. p. 85).

As Luther was the first who separated the canonical from the deutero-canonical or apocryphal books in the Old Testament [DEUTERO-CANONICAL], he also desired to make a similar distinction in the New [ANTILEGOMENA; HAGIOGRAPHA]; but the only variation which he actually adopted consisted in his placing the Epistle to the Hebrews between the Epistles of John and James [JUDE].

The Calvinists, who never questioned the authority of this epistle, followed the arrangement of the Council of Laodicea, in which the Epistle of James ranks as the first of the Catholic epistles; while the Council of Trent followed the order of the Council of Carthage and of the apostolical canons, viz., four Gospels, Acts, fourteen epistles of Paul (viz., Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, 1 and 2 Timothy, Titus, Philemon, Hebrews), 1 and 2 Peter, 1, 2, and 3 John, James, Jude, Apocalypse. The Lutherans themselves soon acquiesced in the decisions of the universal church in regard to the canon of the New Testament, until the controversy, which had long slept, was again revived in Germany in modern times (De Wette, Einleitung). De Wette maintains that although this epistle was anterior to the Clementine, it could not have been written so early as the time of James, principally because the degree of tran

quillity and comfort which appears to have been enjoyed by those to whom the epistle was addressed, seems to him to be inconsistent with the state of persecution which the Christians were subject to during the lifetime of St. James. He conceives it to have been written by some one who assumed the name of James in order to give authority to his arguments against Paul's doctriue of justification. Dr. Kern also, in his Essay on the Origin of the Epistle of St. James (in the Tubingen Zeitschrift für Theologie, 1835), took the same view, which, however, he has lately abandoned in his Commentary. But no one in modern times has combated this opinion with greater success than Neander (History of the First Planting of the Christian Church, vol. ii.). Neauder (whose reasonings will not admit of abridgment) maintains that there is no discrepancy whatever between St. Paul and St. James; that it was not even the design of the latter to oppose any misapprehension respecting St. Paul's doctrine, but that they each addressed different classes of people from different standing points, using the same familiar examples. Paul,' he says, was obliged to point out to those who placed their dependence on the justifying power of the works of the law, the futility of such works in reference to justification, and to demonstrate that justification and sanctification could proceed only from the faith of the gospel : James, on the other hand, found it necessary to declare to those who imagined that they could be justified in God's sight by faith in the Jewish sense.... that this was completely valueless if their course of life were not conformed to it.' And in another place he observes that James 'received the new spirit under the old forms, similarly to many Catholics who have attained to free evangelical convictions, and yet have not been able to disengage themselves from the old ecclesiastical forms; or, like Luther, when he had already attained a knowledge of justification by faith, but before he was aware of the consequences flowing from it as opposed to the prevalent doctrines of the church.'

Neander

Age of the Epistle.-By those who consider James the Just, bishop of Jerusalem, to have been the author of this epistle, it is generally believed to have been written shortly before his martyrdom, which took place A.D. 62, six years before the destruction of Jerusalem, whose impending fate is alluded to in chap. v. fixes its date at a time preceding the separate formation of Gentile Christian churches, before the relation of Gentiles and Jews to one another in the Christian Church had been brought under discussion, in the period of the first spread of Christianity in Syria, Cilicia, and the adjacent regions. It is addressed to Jewish Christians, the descendants of the twelve tribes; but the fact of its being written in Greek exhibits the author's desire to make it generally available to Christians.

Contents and Character of the Epistle.-This epistle commences with consolations addressed to the faithful converts, with exhortations to patience, humility, and practical piety (ch. i. 1-27). Undue respect to persons is then condemned, and love enjoined (ch. ii.). Erroneous ideas on justification are corrected (ii. 13-26), the temerity of new teachers is repressed (iii. 12); an unbridled tongue is inveighed against, and