essays which justified his position as a man of letters; he had a seat in Parliament for several years,1 and was the associate of the most eminent literary men of his time. He died in old age in 1835."2 In 1834 a political crisis occurred, and the Grey Ministry went to pieces over the Irish question.3 On May 6, 1834, Lord John Russell declared in the House of Commons, in reply to the question of an Irish member, "that, if the State should find that the revenues of the Irish Church are not appropriated justly to the purposes of religious and moral instruction, it would be the duty of Parliament to consider a different appropriation." "Johnny has upset the coach," wrote Stanley in a note to Graham. A month later Lord Althorp moved that a commission should be appointed to inquire into the state of the Church, and to consider the whole question of the Establishment. Stanley opposed the motion, which, however, was carried, whereupon he, Graham, Lord Ripon, and the Duke of Richmond left the ministry. In July there were differences again in the Cabinet on the Irish question. Lord Grey desired to renew a Coercion Act-the most stringent of its kind, perhaps, passed since the Union-which had become law in 1833. O'Connell was opposed to this measure, and announced his determination to resist it by every means in his power. Wellesley, Brougham, Althorp, and Althorp, and Littleton, who had now become Irish Secretary, were disposed to compromise the question by omitting the most stringent clauses of the Act. O'Connell was willing to accept 1 He was elected for Castle Rising, in Norfolk, in 1806. He remained in Parliament until 1818. "History of the Peace," ii. 463. The chief members of the Grey Ministry were: Lord Grey, Lord Brougham, Lord Althorp, Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, the Duke of Richmond, Sir James Graham, and Mr Stanley. The Act enabled the Lord Lieutenant to proclaim districts, to prohibit public meetings, and to establish martial law. H this compromise; and negotiations were opened with him by Wellesley, Brougham, Althorp, and Littleton, without the knowledge of Lord Grey.1 O'Connell was led to understand, that the Act would not be renewed in all its rigour, and in return for this concession, he withdrew a Repeal candidate who had been started for Wexford. But the efforts of Wellesley, Brougham, Althorp, and Littleton failed to change the determination of Lord Grey. On July 1, he proposed the renewal of the Coercion Act in the House of Lords. On July 3, O'Connell, feeling that he had been deceived by Littleton, told the whole story of the negotiations which had been opened with him to the House of Commons. Lord Grey was shocked to find that his colleagues had kept him wholly in the dark respecting these proceedings, and complained bitterly. On July 5, Littleton resigned. On July 7, Althorp resigned. On July 9, Grey retired from office, and his ministry came to an end. On July 14-17, the first Melbourne administration was formed. Althorp returned as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Brougham remained Lord Chancellor, and Littleton was again made Irish Secretary. The other principal ministers were Lord Lansdowne, Lord Duncannon, Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell, Sir John Hobhouse, and Mr Spring Rice and Mr Charles Grant. This ministry was shortlived. In November 1834 Lord Spencer died; Lord Althorp succeeded to the title, and left the House of Commons. The King, whose confidence was given to Althorp alone, at once dismissed the ministers, and sent for the Duke of Wellington. The Duke despatched a courier to Italy to bring back Sir Robert Peel, who was then in Rome; and in the meanwhile seized the keys of office. Drummond gives us a brief but graphic account 1 Littleton conducted the negotiations. I have given a full account of this transaction in "Fifty Years of Concessions to Ireland." Vol. i., pp. 466, 469. of the crisis. Writing from Downing Street on November 18, 1834, he says :— "Great bustle at the different offices. The Duke has exhibited some promptitude in taking possession of the Home Office, but all the other appointments are yet undecided. The great seal is to be held provisionally. The seals of the different Secretaries of State are held provisionally by the Duke; and in fact everything is provisional until Peel returns. If a good spirit manifests itself in the meantime, it is possible that they may find greater difficulties than they now imagine in the way of forming a government. Peel has more sagacity, and less courage than 'His Highness,' and may not be disposed to enter upon the desperate course which the latter seems resolved to attempt. Without Peel's assistance it is over with him. Meanwhile the Duke is doing what he can he has shown the most indecent haste to seize the seals of the Secretaries of State, and even sent for their Cabinet keys on Monday last, immediately after the Council. There is much more the appearance than the reality of vigour in this, and it simply disgusts people, even those who are against us. But it is in keeping with the political character of a man who has discovered that large Church reform is necessary, and who has found a worthy supporter in that profligate and perfidious journal, the Times." On November 21, he again writes: "We consider the dissolution inevitable, and are preparing accordingly. The accounts from the country and from our friends are very satisfactory. They are preparing quietly, but actively and energetically, for the approaching election. The same will be done in Scotland. It is from the North, from Scotland, and Lancashire, that the spirit will come. I hope Mr Maclaren will not attack the Radicals at the present moment. It is quite true what he says; but they are sensible of their errors, and this is not the moment to exasperate, but to soothe and conciliate. If there are any district committee-rooms to which you would wish the Chronicle or Globe to be sent, let me have the names, and it will be done. The Chronicle advances rapidly, so does the Globe. The Times quails and wavers, as such a miserable deserves to do. . . . I wrote to the Lord Advocate yesterday; pray tell him that I had a long conversation to-day with Mr Abercromby, who thinks the greatest caution must be observed, to prevent its being supposed that any committee is formed for the purpose of managing the elections in Scotland. As little as possible should be said, and it should be given out, that it is merely for the purpose of distributing information. The subject to which this refers was what I wrote about to the Lord Advocate yesterday. He will understand it, and tell you." In December Peel returned from Rome, and formed a government of which the principal members were Wellington, Lyndhurst, Aberdeen, and Goulburn. In the same month Parliament was dissolved. The general election which ensued was unfavourable to ministers. Peel, however, resolved to meet Parliament and to join. issue with the Whigs on the floor of the House of Commons. The Whigs resolved to give battle on the question of the election of Speaker. The Government proposed the former Speaker, Sutton; the Whigs proposed a Scotch member, Abercrombie. Drummond had been at Brighton in illhealth since the end of 1834. In February 1835 he returned to London, and on the 15th of that month wrote to his mother : "On Thursday, as everybody knows, the battle begins. I think we shall beat them on the Speaker. The numbers on Saturday pledged to support Mr Abercrombie were 318," The "battle" took place on February 19, 1835. The numbers were :— Abercrombie, Sutton, Peel, however, resolved to hold on. 316 On February 24 the Whigs returned to the charge, and Lord Morpeth moved an amendment to the Address which was carried by 309 to 302. Still Peel cried no surrender. On March 20 Sir Henry Hardinge, Irish Secretary, brought forward a measure of tithe reform for Ireland, the essential feature of which was the conversion of tithes into a rent charge of 75 per cent. of the tithe. This was making a flank movement on the Whigs; but Lord John Russell was equal to the occasion. He out-flanked Hardinge by moving as an amendment, on March 30, "That the surplus revenues of the Established Church should be |