or delegation or sectional interest. It is the work of all delegations and all interests.

Throughout the stormy period of apparently irreconcilable differences and of bitter argument marking this convention the Maryland delegation headed by Martin and McHenry stood out. They served on important committees. They engaged day by day in the heated debate and fathered proposal after proposal. They urged the preservation of the rights of the states; they opposed any restriction upon the importation of slaves; they stood against unrestrained power of Congress to pass navigation laws and they proposed the assumption of state debts by the federal government.

The climax in Maryland's participation in this convention came however, when Luther Martin led a triumphant fight against the proposal of Edmund Randolph of Virginia. This superb effort against a move which Martin conceived to be in direct opposition to the rights of the states, is most interestingly told by Justice Ashley M. Gould in his "Sketch of Luther Martin." In this Judge Gould says:

"In the constitutional convention Martin belonged preëminently to the class of excellent critics and from the ninth day of June when he presented his credentials up to the day when he went back to Maryland vowing that he would have nothing more to do with such high-handed proceedings, his position was one of able and aggressive opposition to any scheme which had for its object the establishment of a highly centralized and puissant national government. He was the representative of one of the smaller states, and with quick precision saw the baleful result to those states which would follow the adoption of what history knows as the Virginia plan, introduced by Edmund Randolph, the governor of the state. It will hardly be contended at this time by the most ardant advocate of a centralized and powerful national government that the Virginia plan with its practical elimination of the smaller states

from the exercise of federal power, its provision for setting aside by the national legislature of such state laws as it might deem unconstitutional and its executive to be chosen by the same national legislature would have stood the test of time; indeed, that it would have endured longer than that rope of sand, the Confederation, and yet one who studies even the brief and practically surreptitious journals of that convention must conclude that the present constitution would never have been evolved from its labor had it not been for the leadership of Luther Martin aided by Yates and Lansing, of New York, in opposition to the scheme of Edmund Randolph, backed, as it was, by the Father of his Country, himself."

Such was the share of Maryland and her strong men in the three all-important moves by which a system of constitutional government was established in America. At every step in the trying process the state stood forward honorably and ably. And of that group of patriots who did her work in founding the republic five of them lived to build upon the foundation they had laid. Carroll was the first Senator from Maryland and was the author of the Assumption and Judiciary Acts of the First Congress. Martin became the leading lawyer of his day. Chase was elevated to the Supreme Court of the United States and was impeached by political enemies in the House of Representatives and acquitted by the Senate. McHenry was Secretary of War in the cabinets of George Washington and John Adams. Johnson was made an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court and was the only man in all history who ever declined the Chief Justiceship of that great tribunal. He was offered that position by President Washington and was also tendered the Secretaryship of State but he refused each of these honors that he might retire to private life and give the remainder of his days to laying out the District of Columbia.

PAN AMERICANISM AND ITS INSPIRATION IN HISTORY.1

When the governing board of the Pan American Union, on Wednesday, November 10, made unanimous for the American republics the action of seven governments in recognizing the de facto government of Mexico, there was taken one of the most important steps in the history of the Western Hemisphere. It was the climax in a steady development of practical Pan Americanism which has been going on for a hundred years. To be more specific, the resolution adopted by the twenty-one American republics-through the vote of their diplomatic representatives in Washington and the Secretary of State of the United States-was the most advanced position for Pan American solidarity and Pan American unity of interest which has been taken since the declaration of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823.

It is remarkable that this action which has an immeasurable bearing upon the future of the United States and its sister republics did not attract more general attention throughout the country. It should have been the principal item of news in all the papers following its announcement, and it should have been the subject of editorial comment in every paper of the United States. There is no doubt that every important newspaper in Latin America will recognize its importance and yet the press and people of this country are so occupied with the sensational features of the war and other home problems that they let this historical event pass with only slight notice.

1 Summarized extracts from address of John Barrett, Director General of the Pan American Union, before the Society, November 16, 1915.

Although Pan Americanism has come to the front with a rush during the last few years, it has played an important part in the history of the Western Hemisphere from the earliest days of this republic and its sister American nations. Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, Madison, Clay and Monroe each expressed Pan American sentiments which are as strong as those which are heard today. Among all Latin Americans perhaps the first man to give great prominence to the idea was Francisco de Miranda, a distinguished statesman of Venezuela.

In some respects Henry Clay could be described as the first great Pan American of the United States, for he repeatedly, in speeches, communications and acts, advanced in every way he could the efforts for independence of the Latin American countries. On January 29, 1816, in the House of Representatives of the United States, he declared that the United States would have to openly "take part with the patriots of South America." On December 2, 1823, President Monroe in his message to Congress announced that declaration which is known as the Monroe Doctrine. As evidence, however, that Pan Americanism was not confined at that time to North America, General Simon Bolivar, the liberator of northern South America, issued on December 7, 1823, invitations for a Pan American Congress at Panama, which was in a sense the first Pan American Congress of history. The countries participating were Colombia, Peru, Mexico and Central America.

Coming down to later days, the most advanced step for Pan Americanism was the great Pan American Conference held at Washington in the winter of 1889– 90, which was presided over by Hon. James G. Blaine, then Secretary of State of the United States. The practical outcome of this conference was the establishment

of the Bureau of the American Republics now known as the Pan American Union; the Second Conference was held at Mexico in 1901-2, the Third Conference at Rio de Janeiro in 1906; and the Fourth Conference at Buenos Aires in 1910. The Fifth will probably meet in Santiago, the capital of Chile, in 1917.

In discussing this subject, some other notable incidents of practical Pan Americanism should be noted. In 1895, when President Cleveland sent his famous message to Congress regarding the British-Venezuelan boundary dispute, the governments of several of the Latin American republics sent congratulatory resolutions passed by their Congresses or expressed some official satisfaction at his action. In 1906, when President Gomez was inaugurated president of Cuba, following the intervention of the United States, practically all the Latin American governments, acting in harmony with the United States, sent special diplomatic representatives to be present, and this signified their sympathy with the United States in its unselfish efforts to preserve order and establish permanent peace in Cuba.

In 1907, the notable Central American Peace Conference was held in Washington, under the auspices of the Pan American Union. This was attended by official delegates from the five Central American governments, which, in turn, invited the United States and Mexican governments to appoint plenipotentiaries to coöperate with them in reaching conclusions and drafting treaties that would prevent wars between Central American nations. This coöperation was effective, for since then there has been no actual warfare between any two or more of the Central American republics, although one or two have been disturbed by slight revolutions. In 1910, when Argentina and Bolivia were somewhat at odds over an arbitral award, and Argentina did not see