The Head of State of Cambodia expresses his warmest congratulations on the growing and very important successes which the People's Republic of China has achieved in its economic construction and on the great and new upsurge in its industrial and agricultural production, thus enabling it to enter a new stage of its prodigious development. The Prince considers that the constant progress made by the People's Republic of China contributes to the safeguarding of peace in Asia and the whole world and sets an example to countries which carry out their national construction in accordance with the principle of selfreliance. The Chinese side expresses admiration for the struggle waged by the Cambodian Government and people under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk to resist the aggression and intervention of U.S. imperialism and its lackeys, in order to safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their country. The severance of diplomatic relations with the United States of America 15 decided upon by the Royal Government of Cambodia at the suggestion of Prince Norodom Sihanouk and with the unanimous approval of the Cambodian people, is an act of courage worthy of praise, which gives to this struggle its full significance and also constitutes both a lashing counter-blow to the aggressiveness of the U.S. imperialists and their valets and a great encouragement to all the countries and peoples fighting against U.S. imperialist aggression. The Chinese side highly appraises Cambodia's policy of peace, neutrality and independence, which permits her to play an increasingly important role in safeguarding world peace.

The Chinese side highly appraises the progress made by Cambodia in her national construction. It rejoices over the fact that the Kingdom of Cambodia relies on her own efforts to make continuous progress in her national economy and culture along the road of independence.

The Cambodian side expresses its deep gratitude for the firm support which the People's Republic of China has never ceased to give Cambodia in the political field, for the generous military aid which she has accorded her to enable her to defend her independence and terri

15 Supra.

The two parties consider that U.S. imperialist aggression, interference and subversion against other countries constitute a grave and constant menace to world peace and to the independence, sovereignty and security of the countries and peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America. To check its misdeeds, it is imperative for the countries loving peace and justice to concert and co-ordinate their efforts in support of the peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America who are victims of the imperialists, colonialists and neocolonialists, notably the U.S. imperialists, in their fight for their national liberation or in defence of their independence.

The two parties are deeply concerned with the situation in Viet Nam and in Laos and consider that the U.S. bombings of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the aggression by U.S. armed forces in south Viet Nam are gross Infringements on the sovereignty and security of states and cynical violations of the 1954 Geneva agreements. They firmly support the Vietnamese people in their struggle to safeguard their national independence and wholly endorse the five-part statement of March 22 of the South Viet Nam National Front for LiberationTM and the four-point proposition put forward on April 8 by the Govern

16 See footnote 26 to doc. IX-111, post.

Regarding the problem of nuclear weapons, the two parties declare themselves against the nuclear monopoly held by certain big powers. They stand for the holding of a conference of the heads of state or government of all the countries of the world to discuss the question of the complete prohibition and the thorough destruction of nuclear weapons, and as the first step, this conference should reach an agreement to the effect that the countries possessing nuclear weapons and those countries which may soon possess them will undertake not to use them.

reorganization with a view to freeing itself from the domination of certain big powers, notably the United States of America, correctly applying the principles of its Charter, and attaining the universality which it should have. Without this reorganization, it will irretrievably meet with increasingly grave crises leading towards its complete disintegration.

The Cambodian side reaffirms the position which the Royal Government of Cambodia has hitherto adopted for the expulsion of the Chiang Kai-shek clique from the United Nations and the restoration to the People's Republic of China of all her legitimate rights in the United Nations and the organs attached to it.

The Cambodian side emphasizes once again that the Island of Taiwan, which is an integral part of the People's Republic of China, should immediately be restored to the motherland.

The Chinese side expresses its gratitude to Cambodia for her just support to China.

The two parties consider that the Second African-Asian Conference scheduled to meet in Algiers on November 5, 1965,20 should maintain and develop the Bandung spirit, so as to achieve complete success and contribute to the anti-imperialist solidarity of the Afro-Asian countries and to their economic co-operation. The two parties point out with emphasis that the conference should give absolute priority to the struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism, and above all to the struggle against U.S. imperialism; that it should support all struggles against imperialist aggression and intervention and for national independence, and in the first place energetically support the Vietnamese people in their struggle against the U.S. aggressors and the people of the Congo (Leopoldville) in their struggle against the imperialists and their lackeys and for their national liberation. Failing this, the cause of reinforcing the anti-imperialist solidarity of the Afro-Asian countries would be compromised and the conference would lose all significance.

The Cambodian side declares that China is one of the countries that

20 See ante, docs. VIII-4-8.

[Doc. IX-11] 719

really support the countries that fight for their national independence and for world peace. Just as China supports Cambodia, the latter will for ever firmly support China in the common struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism.

The Chinese side reaffirms that the friendship between Cambodia and China rests on solid bases and that China will work indefatigably to strengthen this friendship and never betray the confidence placed in her by Cambodia. The Chinese people will continue to unswervingly support the Cambodian people in their just struggle for the defence of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of their country. Recently, U.S. imperialism and its lackeys, Thailand and the Saigon regime, have tried to fabricate all sorts of pretexts for menacing and provoking the Kingdom of Cambodia which loves peace and observes a strict neutrality. This state of affairs cannot but arouse the concern of the Chinese people. Cambodia and China are close neighbours, friends and brothers. If the Kingdom of Cambodia should one day become the victim of armed aggression, the Chinese people will firmly stand by the Cambodian people and support them with all their forces.

21

The Cambodian side expresses to the People's Republic of China the profound gratitude of the Royal Government and the Cambodian people for this reaffirmation of complete support accorded to their country.

The two parties unanimously consider that the exchange of visits between the leaders of the two countries is of great help to their common struggle against imperialism and the development of their relations of friendship and co-operation. The present visit of His Royal Highness

21 Throughout 1965 the U.N. representatives of Cambodia and Thailand sent to the U.N. Security Council a number of letters which contained charges and countercharges of violations of Cambodian and Thal territory. See U.N. docs. S/6136, S/6139, S/6141 and Corr. 1, S/6144, S/6149, S/6150, S/6151, S/6155, S/6165, S/6171, S/6179, S/6198, S/6464, S/6474 and Corr. 1, S/6689, S/6693, S/6749, S/6846, S/6989, and S/7047.

Prince Sihanouk to China as well as the cordial and friendly talks between the leaders of the two countries are great contributions in this regard.

Document IX-12

Address by the Prince Head of State of Cambodia (Sihanouk) at a Banquet Honoring His Chinese Hosts, Peking, October 3, 1965 (Excerpts)=

"It Is Necessary To Stop the Warlike Americans Before It Is Too Late"

It is necessary to stop the warlike Americans before it is too late. This is not impossible if we Afro-Asian and Latin American countries which cherish justice, peace and independence, resolutely oppose the imperialists, accept the forfeit of U.S. economic, financial and military aid. This is not only possible but certain, if we reply to imperialism and neocolonialism with non-cooperation.

For us non-cooperation means the severance of diplomatic, cultural and trade relations, the rejection of SEATO, CENTO and NATO, the demand to dismantle and abandon the military bases imposed on other countries, to close down the sea and air ports for imperialist ships and aircraft.

Permit us to warn certain brotherly or friendly countries that it is impossible to defeat the imperialists if one accepts compromise with them. Every compromise, on the contrary, serves to encourage their ventures and does not at all benefit world peace.

Our anti-imperialist determination is the result of our own experiences and not that of the "advice" of China. These experiences are the aggressions, the menaces, the insults of the bellicose Americans and their vassals who want to establish their domination over Cambodia. And we know that our Vietnamese and Laotian brothers have had still more bitter experiences of imperialism and

22 U.S. Consulate General, Hong Kong, Survey of China Mainland Press, No. 3553, Öct. 7, 1965, pp. 28-30.

ought to fight heroically against the invaders.

We think that it is necessary to reinforce our anti-imperialist solidarity, make it more homogeneous, more active and consequently more effective.

If we love China, it is because she is one of the very rare big powers to apply without qualification the principle of equality among all races and all countries regardless of their size.

We know very well, as so rightly emphasized by His Excellency Chairman Liu Shao-ch'i, that the United Nations is 'a U.S.-controlled tool for pushing the rule of colonialism and neo-colonialism.' 23 But it seems to us sad that so many countries, big and small, accept to play the game of the imperialists in this organization which has forsworn all the principles on whose basis it was created, one after another.

24

There are also some countries which clamor that China shows a so-called aggressiveness and therefore should not take her seat in the United Nations. That is another manifestation of thoroughly bad faith. But we know that the imperialists are past masters in the art of reversing the roles.

The Americans are proclaiming throughout the world that in Vietnam they are victims of aggression of the Vietnamese. It is the same in Laos, in the Dominican Republic, and in all the places where the people are trying to shake off the American yoke. So we would have to admit that the United States has the right to send its armed forces to any country in the world for estabblishing its domination!

We can testify that China has done nothing except defend her own frontiers and that no Chinese bases or troops are placed beyond Chinese territory. Besides, what country other than China would show so much patience and moderation while Taiwan is all the time under foreign occupation and while the United States is more and more cyn

Quotation is from a speech by Chairman Liu Shao-chi at a state banquet honoring Prince and Madame Sihanouk; text in Peking Review, Oct. 1, 1965, pp. 1516.

24 See ante, docs. II-42-43.

Our policy toward Communist China is not a policy toward that one country alone. It is inextricably connected with our policies toward China's neighbors, some of whom are very directly threatened by Communist expansionism. We have responsibilities toward these nations, and, having had a role of leadership thrust upon us, we must give clear and unwavering evidence as to our intentions, for those who seek our support. An effort to show flexibility and to better relationships with Communist China would be disastrous if not accompanied by a clear willingness to stand by our friendships, our principles, and our commitments in the Far East.

Finally, Peiping's policy toward the United States is very simple. It is one of avowed hostility. It does not allow even for the working out of lesser problems in our relations, to say nothing of an exploration of fundamental solutions of issues between us. As a Chinese Communist document puts it: "We do not wish to settle our disputes with the United States on a piecemeal basis; else we will undermine the revolutionary fervor of our own people. When the time comes for a settlement, it will be done all at once."

This is not a climate in which one may look for quick or easy solutions.

We can be fairly certain that mainland China's fate today is largely controlled by some 70 top Communist leaders, most of whom have much in the way of common experience, who have gone through the cruel and annealing experience of the long march, the Yenan Caves, and the struggle against the Japanese, the Chinese Nationalists, and the United Nations in Korea. These are men who have grown tough and hard and intransigent in the course of this long struggle. They are men who are dedicated Maoists, who are Sinocentric in their outlook, and whose suspicions and inherent xenophobia have been fed by deep resentment of the indignities which China suffered at the hands of the West in the 19th century. In the course of this long common struggle the leaders of Communist China have experienced what in their eyes has been a triumphant success, and this flush of success has contributed to the absolute certainty they feel that the course on which they are embarked is the only one for China.

They have a monumental conviction as to the rectitude of their position.

Through violence they successfully made a revolution; and they brought their revolution to success in the countryside and in locales isolated from the interchange of modern ideas. Perhaps this helps to explain their narrow, almost primitive division of the world into what they see as "good, rising progressive forces" like themselves and “bad, decadent imperialist forces" led by ourselves. For them the world is divided into two hostile camps. There is no tolerance of neutrals except insofar as neutrals may be moving in the direction desired by the Peiping leadership.

These leaders have publicly proclaimed a dogma which demands that all non-Communist states must be communized, that this process must be done violently, and that the "bourgeois state machine" must be "smashed." They argue that all the self-proclaimed Socialists who are not Communists are "bourgeois" and marked for destruction, though they may be used for a time to further the Communists' policies. All means are justified, and legal means are presumably the least attractive, since the Chinese say that they are the least likely to succeed. I am not making this up; I am paraphrasing Communist sources.

Being a simple man, I am prone to simplicity of formulations. Hence I am attracted to the "concentric circles" definition of Communist China's ambitions in foreign affairs. You will recall that this formulation sets forth three concentric circles, the innermost of which is China's desire to restore Peiping's control over all areas China regards as her own. The second circle represents Peiping's objective to regain control over areas adjacent to China's borders which at certain times in the past have been under Chinese dominion. Southeast Asia would be a case in point. The third and outer of the concentric circles would be the achievement of great-power status complete with nuclear weapons and becoming the dominant force in the world tomorrow. These objectives are simultaneously pursued.

Of course, such a pattern does not fully establish China's foreign policy goals, for obviously they transcend