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actually achieved, the outlook for Homo sapiens is dark indeed.

The citizen who skims the daily news summaries may wonder if we are making real progress toward peace. For the world is unruly and dangerous. A day in which only three or four crises make the front pageand only six or eight are mentioned in the news-is relatively quiet. The President and the Secretary of State enjoy the dubious advantage of knowing there are ten or a dozen additional trouble spots which may erupt into crises at any moment. And always the President and his advisers have on their minds the awesome responsibilities for protecting peace and freedom against those who would impose their coercive systems on others.

We dare not let down our guard against aggression. The Soviet leadership appears to understand what a great war would cost. But it remains committed to the support of so-called "wars of national liberation." And these, in the Communist lexicon, can include any war against any non-Communist government.

The Chinese Communists are blatant advocates of violence. Let anyone who doubts their militancy read the recent article by Marshal Lin Piao, their Defense Minister." It is as candid as Hitler's Mein Kampf.

The militant Communists of Asia will have to learn that aggression does not pay. That is the issue involved in Viet-Nam. It is not without pain for us, as well as for the Vietnamese. But if the aggression there is not repelled, we would have to expect further and bigger aggressions in the future. And when it is defeated there, as it will be, the prospects for a stable peace in the Western Pacific and Asia will be vastly improved.

44 Post, doc. IX-21.

Part II

The United Nations, Specialized
Agencies, and Developments
in International Law

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(1) review with a high sense of urgency the current state of international peacekeeping machinery with a view to making specific suggestions for strengthening this machinery, (2) review other major elements of international community and cooperation with a view to making specific suggestions to promote the growth of institutions of international cooperation and law and order, and (3) review urgently the status of disarmament negotiations with a view to further progress in reducing the dangers and burden of competitive national armaments.

SEC. 3. In order to provide for participation by the Congress in the White House Conference on International Cooperation,3 subject to an invitation by the President, there is hereby created a congressional delegation of twelve members to be composed of six members of the Senate appointed by the President pro tempore of the Senate and six members of the House of Representatives appointed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives. Any vacancy in the membership of the delegation shall be filled in the same manner as in the case of the original appointments.

Document II-2

Address by the President (Johnson) at a U.N. Commemorative Meeting, San Francisco, June 25, 1965 (Excerpt)*

Twentieth Anniversary of the United Nations Charter

On this historic and happy occasion we have met to celebrate 20 years of achievement and to look together at the work that we face in future meetings. I come to this anniversary not to speak of futility or failure nor of doubt and despair. I come to raise a voice of confidence in both the future of these United Nations and the fate of the human race.

See post, docs. II-3-4. 'Department of State Bulletin, July 19, 1965, pp. 98-101. The U.N. Charter was signed at San Francisco June 26, 1945, and entered into force, Oct. 24, 1945.

The movement of history is glacial. On two decades of experience, none can presume to speak with certainty of the direction or the destiny of man's affairs. But this we do know, and this we do believe: Futility and failure are not the truth of this organization brought into being here 20 years ago.

Where, historically, man has moved fitfully from war toward war, in these last two decades man has moved steadily away from war as either an instrument of national policy or a means of international decision.

Many factors have contributed to this change. But no one single factor has contributed more than the existence and the enterprise of the United Nations itself. For there can be no doubt that the United Nations has taken root in human need and has established a shape, and a purpose, and a meaning of its own.

By providing a forum for the opinions of the world, the United Nations has given them a force and an influence that they have never had before. By shining the light of inquiry and discussion upon very dark and isolated conflicts, it has pressed the nations of the world to conform their courses to the requirements of the United Nations Charter.

And let all remember-and none forget that now more than 50 times in these 20 years the United Nations has acted to keep the peace.

By persuading nations to justify their own conduct before all countries, it has helped, at many times and in many places, to soften the harshness of man to his fellow

man.

By confronting the rich with the misery of the poor and the privileged with the despair of the oppressed, it has removed the excuse of ignorance, unmasked the evil of indifference, and has placed an insistent, even though still unfulfilled, responsibility upon the more fortunate of the earth.

By insisting upon the political dignity of man, it has welcomed 63 nations to take their places along

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United States would hope that others will join with us in coming to our next negotiations with proposals for effective attack upon these deadly dangers to mankind.

And after peace, high on the agenda of man is devotion to the dignity and to the worth of the human person-and the promotion of better standards of life in larger freedom for all the human race.

We in this country are committing ourselves to great tasks in our own great society. We are committed to narrow the gap between promise and performance, between equality in law and equality in fact, between opportunity for the numerous wellto-do and the still too numerous poor, between education for the successful and education for all of the people.

It is no longer a community or a nation or a continent but a whole generation of mankind for whom our promises must be kept-and kept within the next two decades.

If those promises are not kept, it will be less and less possible to keep them for any.

And that is why-on this anniversary-I would call upon all member nations to rededicate themselves to wage together an international war on poverty.

So let us then together: raise the goal for technical aid and investment through the United Nations; increase our food, and health, and education programs to make a serious and a successful attack upon hunger, and disease, and ignorance the ancient enemies of all mankind.

Let us in all our lands-including this land-face forthrightly the multiplying problems of our multiplying populations and seek the answers to this most profound challenge to the future of all the world. Let us act on the fact that less than $5 invested in population control is worth a hundred dollars invested in economic growth.

For our wars together on the poverty and privation, the hunger

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A world war would certainly destroy it. Pride and arrogance could destroy it. Neglect and indifference could destroy it. It could be destroyed by narrow nationalism or ideological intolerance or rabid extremism of either the left or the right.

So we must find the way as a community of nations, as a United Nations, to keep the peace among and between all of us. We must restrain by joint and effective action any who place their ambitions or their dogmas or their prestige above the peace of all the world. And we just must find a way to do that. It is the most profound and the most urgent imperative of the time in which we live.

So I say to you as my personal belief, and the belief, I think, of the great American majority, that the world must finish once and for all the myth of inequality of races and peoples, with the scandal of discrimination, with the shocking violation of human rights and the cynical violation of political rights. We must stop preaching hatred, we must stop bringing up entire new generations to preserve and to carry out the lethal fantasies of the old generation, stop believing that the gun or the bomb can solve all problems or that a revolution is of any value if it

12 See post, docs. II-3-4.

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