national cooperation in the field of meteorology and hydrometeorology through networks of observation stations, meteorological centers, international exchange systems, research, and training. The World Meteorological Congress establishes regulations relating to meteorological practice and fixes the policy, program, and budget of the organization.

WORLD WEATHER WATCH

Particular emphasis has been placed on the responsibilities of the WMO resulting from the 16th and 17th U.N. General Assembly resolutions in the field of outer space." The first report of the WMO in 1962 on the Advancement of Atmospheric Sciences and their Application in the Light of Developments in Outer Space outlined the elements of the World Weather Watch envisaged as a cooperative global meteorological observing and prediction system."1

The fourth report of the WMO in 1965 on outer space set forth in detail the developments underway to lay the groundwork for the establishment of a World Weather Watch under the aegis of the WMO. Consideration was given to the establishment of World Weather Centers, the possible utilization of regional centers, the extensive use of weather information from satellites, and the need for much more efficient global observational and telecommunication systems. Related to these developments were studies of the most efficient organization of facilities for communications, analysis, and warnings based on national systems already in existence, and the training of meteorologists to use weather information from satellites. Careful attention was given to the establishment of a worldwide network of conventional reporting stations to supplement information from weather satellites.

*Texts in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1961, pp. 1202-1205 and ibid., 1962, pp. 1348-1352.

"See World Meteorological Organization, First Report on the Advancement of Atmospheric Sciences and Their Application in the Light of Developments in Outer Space (Geneva, Secretariat of the WMO, 1962).

See ibid., Fourth Report on the Advancement of Atmospheric Sciences and Their Application in the Light of Developments in Outer Space (Geneva, Secretariat of the WMO, 1965).

Following his address in 1964 at commencement exercises at the College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Mass., when he observed that "we will move ahead with plans to devise a world-wide weather system," " President Johnson asked Secretary of Commerce Luther H. Hodges to bring the Federal departments and agencies in this field into closer consultation and coordination, and to formulate U.S. international meteorological policies and programs. Accordingly, a committee was established, composed of representatives of the Department of State, the Department of Commerce, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, the Federal Aviation Agency, and the National Science Foundation. By the end of 1965 it had nearly completed its detailed proposals on policies and programs in this field.

On October 5, 1965, Ambassador James M. Nabrit, Jr., observed in the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space:

The meteorological satellite program has developed into an outstanding example of the benefits that come to allin developing as well as in highly developed countries-as space capabilities improve.

In the last year, the United States has launched two new experimental weather satellites, TIROS IX and X. TIROS IX's unique configuration has made cloud patterns of the entire earth available on a daily basis for the first time, and TIROS X has gone into an orbit permitting daily tracking of hurricanes and typhoons. Together with TIROS VII and VIII, which continue to perform satisfactorily, these new satellites have allowed us to furnish information on weather conditions to nations in all latitudes around the world. Last December, for example, TIROS photographs made possible forty-eight hour advance warning of a dangerous tropical cyclone that struck India and Ceylon.

The WMO Fourth Congress in 1963 had stated that two of the World Weather Centers of the proposed World Weather Watch should be located in Moscow and Washington.65 A third Center will be located in Melbourne, Australia, for the Southern Hemisphere. The World Weather Center in Washington opened on January 1, 1965. It consists of the U.S. Weather Bureau's National Meteorological Center, the National Weather Satellite Center, and other Weather Bureau components. The Director of this Center is Dr. George P. Cressman, who is also Director of the U.S. Weather Bureau.

To give adequate focus to both the operational and research aspects of the proposed World Weather Watch, the WMO Fourth Congress established an Advisory Committee of 12 highly qualified scientists and experts selected by the WMO in consultation with the International Council of Scientific Unions. The United States is represented on the Committee by Dr. Cressman and Dr. Walter O. Roberts, Director of the National Center for Atmospheric Research, Boulder, Colo.

At its second session in February 1965, the Committee made recommendations on high priority research problems in atmospheric sciences to which particular attention should be given by the WMO. A feature of this session was a joint meeting with the Committee on Atmospheric Sciences of the International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics to discuss scientific problems of mutual concern to both governmental and non-governmental scientists.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

At its 17th session in Geneva, May 27-June 11, 1965, the WMO Executive Committee, of which Dr. Robert M. White, Administrator of the U.S. Environmental Science Services Administration, is a member, reemphasized that it considered that the planning, development, and implementation of the World Weather

65 See American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1963, pp. 220-222.

Watch should be the main task of the WMO, its constituent bodies, and the WMO Secretariat during the coming years. The Committee gave considerable emphasis to the work of the Planning Unit established by the Fourth Congress. This Unit works closely with the WMO Advisory Committee and under the direction of the WMO Secretary General. An American, Henry P. Marx, was Chief of the Planning Unit.

The Executive Committee reviewed experiments and feasibility studies relating to various components of the World Weather Watch, and urged member states to provide expert advice and assistance to the WMO Secretary General in the planning of the World Weather Watch.

The $1,500,000 authorized for the New Development Fund for the 4-year fiscal period 1964-67 had been allocated by the Executive Committee to three main fields: (1) the improvement of meteorological facilities in different parts of the world, (2) planning studies for the World Weather Watch, and (3) education and training. It was the opinion of the Committee that particular attention should be given to projects of global interest and that the most urgent requirements were for improvements in telecommunication arrangements.

Assistance to telecommunication centers in Brasilia, Singapore, and Nairobi through projects supported from this Fund will improve the flow of information between the Northern and Southern Hemispheres.

Projects approved previously which enable upper air meteorological observations to be made at certain key stations on islands, such as San Cristóbal in the Galápagos Islands off the coast of Ecuador in the Pacific Ocean, were reviewed. The main gaps in the world network of weather observations are over oceanic areas where no stationary weather ships exist and where meteorological reports from merchant ships are scarce.

Document II-109

Statement Made by the U.S. Representative (Plimpton) in the U.N. Committee on the Question of Defining Aggression, April 5, 19651

"The Real Problem Is How
To Deal With Aggression
Rather Than How
To Define It"

What is needed is not definition of obligations but performance of obligations clearly understood. We need no labored enunciation of a code of international behavior. We have one. What we need rather is:

FIRST, the will to fulfill the plain charter obligations which we all understand-obligations so basic to civilized life that they are binding on all states, whether members of the United Nations or not; and

SECOND, we need the will and the ability to resist by political means where possible, by military force where necessary-breaches of those charter obligations, a resistance which must be not only individual but collective; and

THIRD, We need international institutions which are able to deter the outbreak of aggression, to judge it when it nevertheless occurs, and to act effectively to suppress it; we need processes and institutions of peaceful settlement, backed by processes and institutions of collective security and collective defense.

To put it simply, Mr. Chairman, the real problem is how to deal with aggression rather than how to define it. The new forms of aggression unleashed in the world in recent years and now so evident in VietNam-make this an urgent task, Let us not permit our attention to be

1 Department of State Bulletin, May 17, 1965, pp. 775-784.

diverted from it by proposals that we substitute words for deeds.

Mr. Chairman, it will be clear from what I have said that the United States does not believe that it would be helpful or meaningful at this time for this committee to inform the General Assembly that it should now consider again the question of defining aggression.2

Document II-110

Address by the President (Johnson) Before the Conference on World Peace Through Law, Washington, September 16, 1965.3

"I Look Forward to the Day When the Relief of Hunger and Misery and Ignorancein All Parts of This World -Will Be Fixed in Legal Obligation"

I need not here reaffirm my nation's continuing dedication to the rule of law. We will work to extend it to the relations between countries. For we believe that is the surest road to a fruitful and a secure peace.

Therefore, we who seek a world of law must labor to understand the foundation on which law can rest. We must set to work to build it. For if the rule of law is an ideal, the establishment of that rule is the practical work of practical men. We

2 The third session of the committee adjourned on Apr. 16, 1965 after adopting, without opposition, a draft resolution submitted by Cyprus (U.N. doc. A/AC.91/L.15) in which it was decided: "To reconvene in April 1967. unless a majority of the members of the Committee, who will be consulted in writing in January 1966 by the Secretary-General, considers that it is desirable for the Committee to meet in April 1966.'" [Footnote on p. 785 of source text.]

3 Department of State Bulletin, Oct. 4, 1965, pp. 542-544. The Conference met Sept. 12-18, 1965.

[Docs. II-109, 1101 255

must not let the difficulties of this task lead us into the twin dangers of cynicism or unreasoning faith.

For the fact is that if law cannot yet solve the problems of a tormented earth, it is steadily growing in importance and in necessity.

The first condition of law is justice. That law which oppresses the weak, or denies the fair claims of the poor, will prove a flimsy barrier against the rising storm of man's demand for justice.

Law must not be the prisoner of plunder or privilege.

Law is not the soothing keeper of the status quo. Law is an instrument in the battle for the hopes of man. And if it is not fashioned as such an instrument, then no matter how beautifully and logically framed, it will yield to violence and to terror.

So if we, the fortunate of the earth, would ask other people to submit to law, then we ourselves must assume some responsibility for peoples' liberty and peoples' well-being.

International law has been primarily concerned with relations between states. In pursuit of justice, it must now concern itself more than in the past with the welfare of people.

So I look forward to the day when the relief of hunger and misery and ignorance-in all parts of this world-will be fixed in legal obligation-as it now is in my own country.

When our world law embodies the right of the despairing to hope, and the responsibility of the fortunate to help, then it will be strengthened a thousandfold in the cause of peace.

If world conditions were largely satisfactory, it would not be difficult to evolve a rule of law. But we do not live in a satisfactory world. It is stained with evil and injustice, by ruthless ambition and passionate conflict. Only by fighting these forces do we help build a base on which the temple of law may rest.

The second condition of law is institutions. Through them law receives meaning and force. And institutions themselves, through their own actions, help to make new law. The United Nations General Assembly has done this in peacekeeping.

The past 20 years have seen an abundant flowering of new international structures. From the Common Market and NATO to the IBRD and the Asian Development Bank, order and legal process have been imposed upon spreading segments of the affairs of countries.

Some of these institutions have played a large role in the prosperity of the West and in the keeping of the peace. Others contribute to the progress of developing countries.

The United States has helped to build many of these organizations. Their strength represents a victory for the cause you represent a legal order contributing to the prosperity of each and to the peace of all. My country intends to protect and strengthen those institutions, sharing the task with all who share our common purpose.

Central to the hope of world peace through law is the United Nations. Since its beginning, dozens of disputes, many laced with violence, have come before the world assembly. Some have remained unresolved. Many have found a settlement sufficient to allow mankind to move forward in peace. And in some places the United Nations was able to prevent conflict and bloodshed.

I hope we can strengthen the United Nations, not simply as a forum for debate but as an arena for the solution of disputes.

That is why I have asked a great Justice of our Supreme Court, Arthur Goldberg, to become our Ambassador to the world body. The life of Ambassador Goldberg has been devoted to resolving disputes between those who at first believed that they could not yield one iota from their positions and who came at last to sign a common agreement.

And my country will fully support the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring peace between the great nations of India and Pakistan.

And perhaps in the United Nations, and with the patient effort of individual countries, we can also halt the terrible arms race which threatens to engulf the earth. Perhaps we can succeed through an effective treaty preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, through extending the test ban treaty, by

obtaining an agreement halting production of fissionable material for use in nuclear weapons and allocating substantial portions of this material to peaceful uses, by agreeing to reverse the arms race in strategic nuclear weapons delivery vehicles, and by working toward general and complete disarmament under effective international controls, which must be the world's goal.

The third condition of law is acceptance. World law, if it is to bring world order, must reflect the judgment and the felt desires of men and of nations. When law ignores this, as we have seen in our own history, it itself is ignored.

I think that we may be evolving a world consensus on which law can stand. The mass of mankind is slowly realizing the dangers of conflict and the futility of war. They are accepting their responsibility to relieve their own poverty and the misery of their fellow inhabitants of the earth. They are finding, in knowledge and fear and pain, that their common interest lies in common acceptance of their own obligations and the rights of others.

We can see this in a hundred small ways. During the past year the United States was present at 629 international conferences. In the short time since I became President the United States has participated in more such conferences than during the first 150 years of our history.

Of course, the great issues and the great dangers are not resolved. In the past 12 months there is not a single continent that has been spared violence. In the past 2,000 years there has hardly been a decade without war.

If this was all, the future would look dark indeed. But there is another and a brighter thread which runs through the history of the race. It is man's drive to create and to live in harmony with his fellows. And that is what we call civilization.

Law is the great civilizing machinery. It liberates the desires to

build, and it subdues the desire to destroy. And if war can tear us apart, law can unite us-out of fear or love or reason, or all three.

World peace through world law will not come quickly. We must work, in a variety of ways, to create the vital conditions which may bring us to that day-to build the justice which forms it and the institutions which give it life, and to find the understanding acceptance which I will make it work. This means we must be willing to accept small advances and limited goals. But the final objective is the largest and most elusive man has known: peace peace, which is not simply the absence of conflict or even of fear but the framework for the fulfillment of human possibility.

How can we dare to hope for that which has always escaped mankind? Perhaps it is because our invention draws us together to the point where any war is civil war. Perhaps the vastness of our destructive power makes us shrink from conflict. And perhaps, under the horror and murder of this carnage-filled century, civilization has been slowly flowering-leading us toward victory in the endless battle between man's love for his fellow and man's desire to destroy him.

Law is the greatest human invention. All the rest give him mastery over his world, but law gives him mastery over himself.

There are those who say the rule of law is a fruitless and utopian dream. It is true, if it comes it will come slowly. It will come through the practical and the wise resolution of numberless problems. But to deny the possibility is to deny peace itself and to deny that flowering of the spirit which we must believe God meant for man.

I do not deny it. I believe in it. And so do you. And if others join us, then the time may yet come when you and your colleagues will be honored as pathfinders toward the final armistice in man's war against himself.