honourable condition, which the ministry have submitted to annex to it. My Lords, I revere the just prerogative of the crown, and would contend for it as warmly as for the rights of the people. They are linked together, and naturally support each other. I would not touch a feather of the prerogative. The expression, perhaps, is too light; but since I have made use of it, let me add, that the intire command and power of directing the local disposition of the army is the royal prerogative, as the master-feather in the eagle's wing; and if I were permitted to carry the allusion a little farther, I would say, they have disarmed the imperial bird, the "Ministrum Fulminis Alitem." The The army is the thunder of the crown.-The ministry have tied up the hand which should direct the bolt. My Lords, I remember that Minorca was lost for want of four battalions. They could not be spared from hence; and there was a delicacy about taking them from Ireland. I was one of those, who promoted an enquiry into that matter in the other house; and I was convinced we had not regular troops sufficient for the necessary service of the nation. Since the moment the plan of augmentation was first talked of, I have constantly and warmly supported it among my friends: I have recommended it to several members of the Irish House of Commons, and exhorted them to support it with their utmost interest in parliament. I did not foresee, nor could I conceive it possible, the ministry would accept of it, with a condition that makes the plan itself ineffectual, and, as far as it operates, defeats every useful purpose of maintaining a standing military force. His Majesty is now so confined, by his promise, that he must leave twelve thousand men locked up in Ireland, let the situation of his affairs abroad, or the approach of danger to this country, be ever so alarming, unless there be an actual rebellion, or invasion, in Great Britain. Even in the two cases excepted by the king's promise, the mischief must have already begun to operate, must have already taken effect, before his Majesty can be authorised to send for the assistance of his Irish army. He has not left himself the power of taking any preventive measures, let his intelligence be ever so certain, let his apprehensions of invasion or rebellion be ever so well-founded: unless the traitor be actually in arms; unless the enemy be in the heart of your country, he cannot move a single man from Ireland*. The following is an extract of the Lord Lieutenant's message to the House of Commons of Ireland upon this occasion: "TOWNSHEND. Gentlemen," I am commanded, by his Majesty, to acquaint you, that his Majesty, upon the most mature consideration of the state and circumstances of this kingdom, judges it 'I feel myself compelled, my Lords, to return to that subject which occupies and interests me most; I mean the internal disorder of the constitution, and the remedy it demands. But first, I would observe, there is one point upon which I think the noble Duke has not explained himself. I do not mean to catch at words, but, if possible, to possess the sense of what I hear. I would treat every man with candour, and should expect the absolutely necessary, that a number of troops, not less than twelve thousand men, commissioned and non-commissioned officers included, should be kept therein, for the better defence of the same; and that his Majesty, finding that, consistent with the general public service, the number before-mentioned cannot be constantly continued in Ireland, unless his army upon the Irish establishment be augmented to 15,235 men in the whole, commissioned and noncommissioned officers included; His Majesty earnestly recommends it to his faithful Commons to concur in a measure, which his Majesty has extremely at heart, as necessary not only for the honour and dignity of his crown, but the peace and security of this kingdom. And I have his Majesty's special command to assure you expressly, in his Majesty's name, that it is his determined resolution, that upon such augmentation, a number of effective troops, not less than 12,000 men, commissioned and non-commissioned officers included, shall, at all times, except in cases of invasion or rebellion in Great Britain, be kept within this kingdom, for the better defence thereof." Lord Chatham's reasoning on the present message is certainly right, for if English ministry were to des termine upon the necessity of sending for troops from Ireland, ac◄ cording to their own apprehensions or intelligence, the condition, with respect to Ireland, would be nugatory. same candour in return. For the noble Duke, in particular, I have every personal respect and regard. I never desire to understand him, but as he wishes to be understood. His Grace, I think, has laid much stress upon the diligence of the several public offices, and the assistance given them by the Administration, in preparing a state of the expences of his Majesty's civil government, for the information of Parliament, and for the satisfaction of the public. He has given us a number of plausible reasons for their not having yet been able to finish the account; but, as far as I am able to recollect, he has not yet given us the smallest reason to hope, that it ever will be finished; or that it ever will be laid before Parliament. My Lords, I am not unpractised in business, and if, with all that apparent diligence, and all that assistance, which the noble Duke speaks of, the accounts in question have not yet been made up, I am convinced there must be a defect in some of the public offices, which ought to be strictly enquired into, and severely punished. But, my Lords, the waste of the public money is not of itself so important as the pernicious purpose to which we have reason to suspect that money has been applied. For some years past, there has been an influx of wealth into this country, which has been attended with many fatal consequences, because it has not been the regular, natural produce of labour and industry. The riches of Asia have been poured in upon us, and have brought with them not only Asiatic luxury, but, I fear, Asiatic principles of government. Without connections, without any natural interest in the soil, the importers of foreign gold have forced their way into Parliament, by such a torrent of private corruption, as no private hereditary fortune could resist. My Lords, not saying but what is within the knowledge of us all, the corruption of the people is the great original cause of the discontents of the people themselves, of the enterprise of the Crown, and the notorious decay of the internal vigour of the Constitution. For this great evil some immediate remedy must be provided; and I confess, my Lords, I did hope, that his Majesty's servants would not have suffered so many years of peace to elapse, without paying some attention to an object, which ought to engage and interest us all. I flattered myself I should see some barriers thrown up in defence of the Constitution, some impediment formed to stop the rapid progress of corruption. I doubt not we all agree that something must be done. I shall offer my thoughts, such as they are, to the consideration of the House; and I wish that every noble Lord who hears me would be as ready as I am to contribute his opinion to this important service. I will not call my |