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cal equipment (40 percent), training and education (25 percent), expert services (15 percent), climatological support (8 percent), meteorological telecommunications support (8 percent) and miscellaneous (4 percent). The U.S. in-kind contributions provided equipment, supplies and expert services to approximately 50 developing countries, and also supported major training courses in the United States on tropical storm meteorology, advanced satellite imagery interpretations and hydrological forecasting.

Financial Matters

The Financial Advisory Committee (FAC) in its report to the Congress recommended continued adherence to zero real growth of the budget. Some delegations supported the Secretary General's proposal of eight percent real growth maximum expenditure for 1992–1995, but several of the largest contributors (including the United States) were able to maintain the zero real growth policy in effect for the last 12 years. The FAC also recommended incorporating a full budgeting provision in setting 1992–1995 maximum expenditure ceilings for the organization.

The Congress approved in principle construction of a new WMO headquarters building in Geneva. It asked the Executive Council to define more accurately accommodation requirements for the new building and to approve on its behalf the results of negotiations between the Secretary General and the Swiss authorities.

Appendix 1

Address by President George Bush

Statement by President Bush before the 46th regular session of the UN General Assembly on September 23, 1991.

particularly our democratic friends, the Republic of Korea, the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, and new missions from the Marshall Islands and Micronesia.

I am honored to speak with you as you open the 46th session of the General Assembly. I should first like to congratulate the outgoing President, Guido de Marco of Malta, and salute our incoming President, Samir Al-Shihabi of Saudi Arabia.

I also want to salute especially Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar, who will step down in just over 3 months. But let me say, Secretary General Perez de Cuellar has served with great distinction during a period of unprecedented change and turmoil and for almost 10 years we have enjoyed the leadership of this man of peace, a man that I, along with many members, feel proud to call friend, and so today let us congratulate our friend, and praise his spectacular service to the United Nations and to the people of the world, the Secretary General.

Twenty years ago, when I was the Permanent Representative here for the United States, there were 132 UN members. Just 1 week ago, 159 nations enjoyed membership in the United Nations, and today the number stands at 166. The presence of these new members alone provides reason for us to celebrate.

My statement today will not sound like any you have heard from a President of the United States. I am not going to dwell on the superpower competition that defined international politics for half a century. Instead, I will discuss the challenges of building peace and prosperity in a world leavened by the cold war's end and the resumption of history.

Communism held history captive for years. It suspended

Let me also welcome new members in this Hall, two delegations representing Korea,

ancient disputes; and it suppressed ethnic rivalries, nationalist aspirations

and old prejudices. As it has dissolved, suspended hatreds have sprung to life. People who for years have been denied their pasts have begun searching for their own identities, often through peaceful and constructive means, occasionally through factionalism and bloodshed.

This revival of history ushers in a new era, teeming with opportunities and perils. Let us begin by discussing the opportunities. First, history's renewal enables people to pursue their natural instincts for enterprise. Communism froze that progress

until its failures became too much for even its defenders to bear, and now citizens throughout the world have chosen enterprise over envy, personal responsibility over the enticements of the state, prosperity over the poverty of central planning.

The UN Charter encourages this adventure by pledging to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples, and I can think of no better way to fulfill this mission than to promote the free flow of goods and ideas. Frankly, ideas and goods will travel around the globe with or without our help. The information revolution has destroyed the weapons of enforced isolation and igno

rance. In many parts of the world technology has overwhelmed tyranny, proving that the age of information can become the age of liberation, if we limit state power wisely and free our people to make the best use of new ideas, inventions and insights. By the same token, the world has learned that free markets provide levels of prosperity, growth and happiness that centrally planned economies can never offer.

Even the most charitable estimates indicate that in recent years the free world's economies have grown at twice the rate of the former communist world. Growth does more than fill shelves; it permits every person to gain, not at the expense of others but to the benefit of others. Prosperity encourages people to live as neighbors, not as predators. Economic growth can aid international relations in exactly the same way.

Many nations represented here are parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The Uruguay Round, the latest in the postwar series of trade negotiations, offers hope to developing nations, many of which have been cruelly divided, cruelly deceived, by the false promises of totalitarianism. Here in this hall, we hear about NorthSouth problems. But free and open trade, including unfettered access to markets and credit, offers developing coun


tries means of self-sufficiency and economic dignity.

If the Uruguay Round should fail, a new wave of protectionism could destroy our hopes for a better future. History shows all too clearly that protectionism destroy wealth within countries and poison relations between them. Therefore, I call upon all members of GATT to redouble their efforts to reach a successful conclusion for the Uruguay Round. I pledge that the United States will do its part.

I cannot stress this enough: Economic progress will play a vital role in the new world. It supplies the soil in which democracy grows best. People everywhere seek government of and by the people, and they want to enjoy their inalienable rights to freedom and property and person. Challenges to democracy have failed. Just last month, coup plotters in the Soviet Union tried to derail the forces of liberty and reform, but Soviet citizens refused to follow. Most of the nations in this hall stood with the forces of reform, led by Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin, and against the coup plotters.

The challenge facing the Soviet peoples now, that of building political systems based upon individual liberty, minority rights, democracy and free markets, mirrors every nation's responsibility for encouraging peaceful, demo

cratic reform, but it also testifies to the extraordinary power of the democratic ideal. As democracy flourishes, so does the opportunity for a third historical breakthrough, international cooperation. A year ago, the Soviet Union joined the United States and a host of other nations in defending a tiny country against aggression and opposing Saddam Hussein. For the very first time on a matter of major importance, superpower competition was replaced with international cooperation. The United Nations, in one of its finest moments, constructed a measured, principled, deliberate and courageous response to Saddam Hussein. It stood up to

outlaw who invaded Kuwait, who threatened many states within the region, who sought to set a menacing precedent for the post-cold war world.


The coalition effort established a model for the collective settlement of disputes. Members set the goal—the liberation of Kuwait--and devised a courageous, unified means of achieving that goal. Now, for the first time, we have a real chance to fulfill the UN Charter's ambition of working

to save succeeding generations from the scourge of

to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small ...

war ...

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We will not revive these ideals if we fail to acknowledge the challenge that the renewal of history presents. In Europe and Asia, nationalist passions have flared anew, challenging borders, straining the fabric of international society. At the same time, around the world many age-old conflicts still fester. We see signs of this tumult right here. The United Nations has mounted more peacekeeping missions in the last 36 months than during its first 43 years, and although we now seem mercifully liberated from the fear of nuclear holocaust, these smaller, virulent conflicts should trouble us all.

We must face this challenge squarely-first, by pursuing the peaceful resolution of disputes now in progress; secondly, and more importantly, by trying to prevent others from erupting. No one here can promise that today's borders will remain fixed for all time, but we must strive to ensure the peaceful, negotiated settlement of border disputes.

We also must promote the cause of international harmony by addressing old feuds. We should take seriously the Charter's pledge to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors. UN General Assem

bly resolution 3379 (XXX), the
so-called "Zionism is racism"
resolution, mocks this pledge
and the principles upon which
the United Nations was
founded, and I call now for its
repeal. Zionism is not a policy;
it is the idea that led to the cre-
ation of a home for the Jewish
people, to the State of Israel,
and to equate Zionism with the
intolerable sin of racism is to
twist history and forget the ter-
rible plight of Jews in the Sec-
ond World War—and indeed
throughout history. To equate
Zionism with racism is to reject
Israel itself, a member in good
standing of the United Nations.
This body cannot claim to seek
peace and at the same time
challenge Israel's right to exist.
By repealing this resolution
unconditionally the United
Nations will enhance its credi-
bility and serve the cause of

As we work to meet the challenge posed by

the resumption of history, we also must defend the Charter's emphasis

inalienable human rights. Government has failed if citizens cannot speak their mind, if they cannot form political parties freely and elect governments

without coercion, if they cannot practice their religion freely, if they cannot raise their families in peace, if they cannot enjoy a just return from their labor, if they cannot live fruitful lives and at the end of their days look upon their achievements and their


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