rendered it safe to propose general legislation on the subject. His noble Friend (Lord Stanley of Alderley) had therefore, he thought, exercised a wise discretion in confining to a single object the Bill he had introduced. At the same time, he must concur with the observations of the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) as to the amount of the penalties which the Bill contemplated. It would have a very injurious effect if, by the adoption of a scale of moderate penalties, constant litigation were engendered, instead of imposing a fine at once which would render it imperative on the manufacturer to make the necessary alterations in his works. He thought his noble Friend would do well to take these points into his consideration. LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY said, he thanked the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) for the support which he had given to the Bill, and that he would take into consideration the suggestions for its improvement which he had thrown out. As to the various questions that had been asked as to the intention of the present Bill, he thought it was clearly the duty of Inspectors to prosecute, and no doubt hereafter it might be necessary to consider the expediency of appointing sub-Inspectors. The amount of the penalties would probably require some revision; but the advantage of a penalty lay not so much in its amount as in the assistance which it would afford to private prosecutors in recovering damages for any damage they might have sustained, by showing that the manufacturer had neglected his duty. The general law of nuisances was, no doubt, susceptible of improvement; but so many and such various interests were involved, that if facilities had been proposed for the recovering of damages in every case, often on frivolous or vexatious grounds, a storm of opposition would have been excited which would have utterly prevented the attaining of that moderate amount of improvement which was to be looked for from the pre sent measure. LORD CHELMSFORD pointed out, that with regard to the proposed appeal, he did not see that any question of law could arise; it could only be an issue of fact. LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY said, there might be cases in which the parties affected might consider that the decision was not impartial, and it was desirable that they should have the opportunity of an appeal. On THE EARL OF MALMESBURY rose to inquire of Her Majesty's Government, What is the present state of the negotiations respecting the Crown of Greece and the cession of the Island and Fortress of Corfu to that country? The noble Earl said, he thought it was time that their Lordships should receive some information on the subject of the negotiations with respect to the Greek throne. The last time that the House received any information on the subject was about two months ago. the first night of the Session the noble Earl at the head of the Foreign Office then recounted to their Lordships the history of those negotiations, so far as the point at which he thought it right, in the name of Her Majesty's Government, to refuse the election of Prince Alfred. Since that time their Lordships had had no official information of what had taken place; but it had been stated by rumour, and in the public prints, that two very important events had followed that transaction. It appeared that upon the most proper refusal of Her Majesty's Government to accept that election they, in connection with the other Powers who signed the agreement | conduct in this respect must influence the with respect to the Greek throne, invited mind of any man to whom the throne might first His Majesty the King of Portugal, and hereafter be offered. The refusal of the secondly the head of the House of Coburg head of the House of Coburg, following to accept the throne, but that both these that of the King of Portugal, brought the personages had refused. He would make narrative of affairs up to the Easter recess; but one observation with reference to what and up to that time he was pretty sure his took place with regard to his Royal High statement was accurate. What had ocness Prince Alfred. If, as we had been told curred during the Easter recess, and since, since in another place, the candidature of he could not state with so much confidence. his Royal Highness was permitted to go as Whilst, however, we were taking our anfar as it did for political purposes, in order nual rest, it appeared that Her Majesty's to thwart the rather unfair and unjusti- Government and the noble Earl opposite fiable claims of Russia, he did not think that were not idle. He would mention to their that at all diminished the fault which the Lordships what he had heard, and would Government committed in acting most dis- then ask the noble Earl opposite if the respectfully to a Prince of the Royal family rumours which had been current upon the by allowing him to stand for some time as subject were true. According to those apparently a real candidate for the throne rumours, it appeared, that subsequent to of Greece, though in fact they were putting the refusal of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, him forward as a sort of dummy or man of the noble Earl, anxious that his labours straw-an act which certainly was not re- should not be in vain, and convinced that it spectful to the Crown. If they were justified was his especial duty to find a successor in the commission of that act by the reasons to the Greek throne, continued to stand at which had been alleged in another place, the door of the Foreign Office with the they certainly were not justified in deceiv. Almanach de Gotha in his hand, deter ing the Greek people, who, until their offer mined to find in that well-known volume was refused, could not have imagined that the name of some one who would accept the their election would not have been accept- vacant Crown. It was said that the noble ed. For his own part, he thought that no Earl, after some reflection and some study political object could justify Her Majesty's of that well-known book, thought proper to Government either towards the Crown or advise the second son of Prince Christian of people of this country, or towards the peo- Denmark to accept the Greek throne. This ple of Greece, in adopting the line which would astonish no one, because all that was they followed. He was not surprised that known of that Prince was to his advantage, the crown of Greece should have been re and no objection whatever could be made fused by the two Royal personages whom to his dynastic position. It was further he had named as having had the offer said that the noble Earl, having decided made to them, because it must be evident upon this young Prince as the best occuto every one that the Greeks, in conducting pant for the throne of Greece, before retheir revolution as they had done, had de- ceiving the assent of his father, or of the preciated themselves in the public opinion Court of Denmark, or of the Danish Minisof Europe. Unlike those great model ter in London, advised and authorized the revolutionists, the French, they expelled Greeks to proclaim Prince William of Dentheir King without being prepared with mark as their Sovereign. He did not say any one to succeed him. That was in itself that these were facts, but they had been a great mistake; but they made a still put forth as such, and he wanted to know greater one when they confessed to Europe whether they were facts or not? If they that among themselves they could find no were facts, he could only express his astoone who was competent to fill the throne.nishment at the courage with which the In France there had, during the first half noble Earl had exposed himself, if not to a of this century, been eight different revolu- positive refusal on the part of the Danish tions of dynasties or governments, giving Government, at least to the imposition of an average of one every six years; but on conditions which must lead to further comall these occasions the French had in their plications, and place this country in a someeye a man ready to replace the one whom what undignified position. It was said. they expelled; and it was almost an act of that Prince Christian had raised great diffi insanity on the part of the Greeks to pro-culties to allowing his son to ascend the ceed as far as they did without having pre- throne of Greece; and not unnaturally so. pared for the result in this manner. Their The question was of great importance to EARL RUSSELL said, he did not find fault with the noble Earl for asking his Questions, but must be excused from giving any answers at present upon some points which had been touched upon. There were some matters which were still under discussion, and which might be settled within a short time, as to which he must at present abstain from making any remarks. The noble Earl had re the whole of Europe, and to this country | tral State, peaceful not only in intention, especially; for they must remember that but even in appearance, without army or in 1852 it was with the greatest difficulty navy to excite fears or jealousies. If she that the noble Viscount now at the head of assumed that shape, she would obtain what the Government succeeded in inducing the she most needed for her future developgreat Powers of Europe to consent to an ment, money; and money certainly would arrangement for settling the succession not be advanced to provide ships and solto the throne of Denmark. He (the diers. But if the fortress of Corfu was Earl of Malmesbury) signed the treaty, bestowed upon her, she would assume at and knew the difficulties that arose; and once the character of a military Power, as he knew that if that question were now she would have to keep a considerable gar re-opened, it would be still more diffi- rison there in time of peace and a large cult to arrive at a satisfactory settlement. one in time of war. He therefore wished, Prince Christian had three sons; the in the interest of the Greeks themselves, eldest was not yet married. The second, to ask whether the Government wished to Prince William, if he ascended the Greek confer this dangerous gift upon the Greek throne, would doubtless be required either people? to embrace the Greek religion or to allow his children to be educated in that faith; but by so doing they would forfeit their right of succession to the Danish throne. Therefore, upon the failure of issue of the eldest son, there would only be the third son of Prince Christian standing between the recurrence to the state of affairs in 1852, and that, no doubt, was one point which pressed itself upon the consideration of the Danish Government. It was therefore in-ferred to the condition of Greece, and had cumbent upon the noble Earl to go cau- blamed Her Majesty's Government for tiously to work in this matter, and not having, as he assumed, made Prince again to place the Greek people in the Alfred a candidate for the Greek throne, painful position of having their Crown re- What had really happened was this. The fused. His first question to the noble Earl people of Greece declared that they would was, whether, having proposed to Prince no longer continue under the Government Christian that his son should ascend the of King Otho, and that the Bavarian dyGreek throne, he consulted the Danish nasty should be excluded from the throne. Government; whether they approved the They found fault with the Government of measure; and whether, previously to such King Otho, and they acted as this counconsultation, and obtaining such consent, try had acted about two centuries since. he did not advise and authorize the Greek With that determination her Majesty's people to elect Prince William as their King. Government had nothing to do. They He also wished further to ask whether had frequently told King Otho that the Her Majesty's Government still had the manner in which he was governing Greece intention of ceding the Ionian Islands, and would probably lead to a catastrophe, and especially the fortress of Corfu, to the they had pointed out the same to the Greek Government, according to the con- Court of Bavaria, and had recommended ditions which they appeared to have laid that some member of the family, possessed down? He would not argue the cession of the requisite influence, should be sent of Corfu from an English point of view, to Athens to warn the King of the danalthough no one could be more opposed to gers likely to arise from the prevailing it than himself; but he contended that in discontent. That advice was not followed, the interests of the Greeks it was the very and King Otho was expelled from his worst thing that could be done for them. throne. The people of Greece had been The internal condition of Greece at present very much blamed by the noble Earl for was very unfortunate; the land was uncul- not having shown the same wisdom that tivated, no native industry appeared to the French had exhibited in their revoluthrive, commerce was decreasing every tions. He (Earl Russell) remembered, day, and, in fact, no country could be in a however, that in 1848 the French people much worse condition. The only chance deposed a King, for what fault it was of improvement lay in Greece being a neu- difficult to point out, and declared a Re public. But what had the Greeks done? They expressed, in the first place, their gratitude to the three protecting Powers; and, in the next place, they declared their determination to have a constitutional monarchy, and to preserve peace with all surrounding countries. Surely there was no want of wisdom in that course, supposing that they were right in excluding King Otho. Their next step was to elect an English Prince as their future Sovereign. His Royal Highness Prince Alfred became the choice of the Greek nation. The Russian Government then maintained that the Protocol of 1830 was in force Her Majesty's Government said, "Why should we not all three declare that neither Prince Alfred nor the Duke of Leuchtenberg, nor any member of the reigning family of France, can be elected to the throne of Greece?" For various reasons the Russian Government declined that proposition. Certainly it was not for Ier Majesty's Government, who had no candidate, and who had not proposed Prince Alfred, to interfere in the election. They left the Greeks to take their own course; and the election of Prince Alfred served as a point of union among the Greeks, which preserved them from anarchy and disorder. It was a great benefit to them to have a Prince as to whose election they were unanimous. When the proper time came, Her Majesty's Government, in conjunction with the other protecting Powers, declared that the Protocol was in force, and that Prince Alfred could not accept the Crown of Greece. With that decision, at least, the noble Earl (the Earl of Malmesbury) did not find fault, though he seemed to find fault with the tranquillity and good order that prevailed among the Greek people. What was the next step? Her Majesty's Ministers, having been compelled to reject the wishes of the Greek people, felt themselves bound in some degree, in order to prevent possible evils, in consultation with the other protecting Powers, to endeavour to obtain for the Greeks a Prince attached to constitutional government; for it was a benefit both for Greece and Europe that the Greeks should maintain their principle in favour of a constitutional monarchy, and of the preservation of peace with neighbouring States That object being advantageous both to Greece and Europe, Her Majesty's Government could hardly be wrong in endeavouring to satisfy the wish of the Greeks, and to find a Prince whom they might accept. As the noble Earl had rightly supposed, there was some difficulty in effecting this object. In more than one instance Her Majesty's Government were unsuccessful in their efforts to find a Prince willing to ascend the Greek throne. In the mean while Her Majesty's Envoy, specially sent to Greece in reference to this matter, declared there was danger every day lest disorder should break out in some part of the country. There was one party in particular, with exalted notions, gaining an ascendancy, and there was a risk that that party might declare against a constitutional monarchy and against the policy of preserving peace with the neighbouring countries. He believed that the Powers of Europe, generally, would have been sorry to see that result. He did not think it was a matter of indifference to this country whether the Greek revolution should terminate fortunately for the Greek people in giving them a free Government, or unfortunately in becoming a source of trouble to this country, Turkey, and other States. When it was suggested that Prince William, the second son of Prince Christian of Denmark, might accept the Crown of Greece, he (Earl Russell) directed the British Minister at Copenhagen to ask whether the King of Denmark would give his sanction to the arrangement; and he was told, that if Prince Christian and his son had no objection, the King of Denmark would not oppose the election. He then communicated with the Greek Government; but what the particular communications were he could not now state, because the negotiations were not yet at an end. However, as soon as they should be concluded, all the correspondence would be produced, and their Lordships would then be able to judge whether he had done anything undignified on the part of the Government, or any. thing unbecoming a Minister of a free country, anxious for the welfare of Greece and the preservation of peace. The Government of Greece, on being told that the King of Denmark would not oppose any objection if Prince Christian and his son chose to accept the offer of the throne of Greece, communicated that intelligence to the Assembly; and then all the Members of the Assembly, to the surprise, he believed, of the Greek Government, stood up and by acclamation unanimously declared Prince William of Denmark King. That, at all events, confirmed the opinion of the noble Earl, that the nomination of Prince William was not a bad one. With regard to the terms on which Prince Christian and his son might accept the offer of the throne of Greece, those were matters to be settled between them and the deputation representing the National Assembly of Greece, and also the three protecting Powers who signed the Treaty of 1832, and who had guaranteed the independence of Greece; and he did hope that the result of the negotiations would be that the Greeks would be rewarded for all their excellent conduct for many months past, and for having, during the whole of that time, acted in a spirit of constitutionalism. He entirely agreed with the noble Earl in thinking that it was not the interest of Greece to maintain a large army, with the view of taking a great part in the affairs of Europe. He believed her happiness would depend on abstaining from any acts of aggression, and that the sentiment now prevalent among Greeks was that by improving their laws, their agriculture, and by mending their financial system, they might obtain a degree of prosperity not otherwise to be hoped for. He had only to add that the choice of Prince William of Denmark was cordially supported by the Emperor of the French, and would, he had no doubt, receive the assent of all the protecting Powers. The noble Earl had referred to the Ionian Islands; and though, no doubt, the noble Earl was well informed on that subject, he spoke very much like a person not so well informed. The noble Earl spoke of Corfu as if it were one of Her Majesty's colonial possessions, which the Ministers were about to make a cession of, together with the strong fortress. Now, the noble Earl knows very well, that in 1815 the Powers of Europe, in constituting the Republic of the Ionian Islands, declared it to be a free republic, to be governed by a Constitution, of which republic the King of Great Britain should be the protecting Power. There fore, the Ionian Islands were in no sense a possession belonging to Her Majesty, nor was it intended by the Powers that they should be. He had always understood, from those acquainted with the diplomacy of the time, that the circumstance of those Islands being placed under the protectorate of Great Britain arose somewhat in the following way. It was proposed, as a thing that would not be disagreeable to Austria, that Austria should have the Ionian Islands; but Count Capo d'Istria, who had great influence with the Emperor of Russia, said, "I wish to see these Greek islands have a Greck nationality and speak the Greek language; and as Great Britain is a free country, I wish them to be under her protection, because Great Britain can foster and maintain free institutions, which the Government of Austria would not." Great Britain, therefore, undertook the charge and trust of those islands. He used the word "trust," because, if Great Britain said, "We will convert these islands into a colony of our own," she would not have performed the duty which had been confided to her to discharge. Well, in course of time a revolution took place in Greece, and three of the great Powers combined to make Greece an independent kingdom. From that time there had been agitation in the Ionian Islands, and a party, at all events, had said, Now, that there is a Greek kingdom, why should not our Islands be united to that kingdom?" It would not be becoming the British Government, provided the Ionian people wished to be united to Greece, to thwart that wish, and force them to remain under our protectorate. What Her Majesty's Government, therefore, proposed was to ask the Ionian Islands formally, whether they wished to be united to Greece; and if they formally declared they wished it, and the Greek kingdom having been settled, then to call together the representatives of those Powers who made the treaty which gave the protectorate to Great Britain, and ask them to frame a new treaty by which the Ionian Islands should be allowed to form a part of Greece. Of course, if the islands were united to Greece, the fortress of Corfu, being part of those islands, would not be retained for the sole purpose of having the fortress in the hands of England. this country proposed to keep Corfu, the Court of Greece and the people of the Ionian Islands would protest against it. If the people of the islands were united to Greece, it would be for them to decide whether the fortress of Corfu should be maintained. He thought their best plan would be to destroy the fortifications, and to devote themselves to maritime and commercial pursuits; and in that case the Ionian Islands would be a valuable acquisition to the Greek kingdom. He must say he felt, if Her Majesty's Government, in the recommendations they had made, should have contributed to the peace, happiness, and freedom of Greece-if the people, with their great talents, should take occasion to develop those talents-if their maritime and commercial pursuits were so successful as to make them rich and prosperous, Her If |