of intelligence throughout the country, knew the answer to be in the affirmative. But whether in the present state of affairs the future safety of our allies, the Dutch, was to be secured by our pursuing the war in conjunction with the other combined powers, was a question not easily answered in the same way. How far, if this war was countenanced by us, the general safety of Europe would be preserved, was a topic he did not wish to decide upon, because it afforded, in his opinion, a prospect that could not be agreeable to any man who had the least regard for the principles of liberty-all he meant in this place was, that the Dutch, as well as ourselves, were at this moment sufficiently fortified and guarded against any attack from France. Was there a man this day in the country who seriously thought that, with regard to Holland and to us, peace could not be made with France with perfect safety? He came now to the consideration of the general state of Europe at this moment. We attacked France, because our allies were attacked by her, and because we saw in the character and spirit of her councils, views of her own aggrandizement. Was this spirit, and were these views peculiar to France? Had we not witnessed the same spirit in other powers of Europe? Had not all parties in that House, had not all the people of this country, concurred in detesting the conduct of the present combined powers with regard to Poland? Was not that scene sufficiently infamous? Did it not exhibit sufficient tyranny, oppression and breach of faith? Could we conceal from our selves the conduct of Russia and of Prussia upon that subject? Were we to partake of the infamy of that transaction? God forbid we should! Let us, then, ask ourselves, with all the indignation we naturally entertain against the conduct of France on many points, whether the conduct of the court of Berlin and the court of Petersburgh in their invasion of Poland, and afterwards the partition of it, was not equal in infamy to any thing that France was ever guilty of? Upon this part of the subject he had a few observations to make to some members of that House, upon the alarm they expressed at the commencement of this session, at the progress of the French. What, he asked, did these gentlemen now feel when reflecting on the conduct and progress of the empress of Russia and the king of Prussia? Was this matter of alarm to any of these gentlemen? Alas! No. It seemed that nothing was now to be alarming but French principles. Such were the horrid effects of fear on account of these principles, and so far had it affected the empress of Russia and the king of Prussia, that they had laid hold of Poland in the panic. He begged pardon of the House for introducing any thing ludicrous upon so grave a subject? but a story which he remembered, appeared to him so apposite, that he could not resist the temptation of reciting it; A person detected in the act of taking a watch out of the pocket of another, being accused of it, confessed the fact, but said in his defence, that he had been struck with a panic, and in his fright he had laid hold of the first thing he could, which happened to be the gentleman's watch which he conveyed into his pocket. If, in the present case, Poland was the first thing these great powers, Russia and Prussia, could lay hold of, such was the effect of these royal alarms, such the conduct of these panic-struck sovereigns, that in the spasms of their fear, they could not quit their hold, and having each an equal right to retain what they had within their gripe, most equitably agreed to divide the kingdom between them! Did gentlemen think themselves happy in seeing this mode adopted to resist French principles? Was this conduct less dangerous to Europe than that of the French? He knew many reasons why it was more dangerous. One was, that such a combination of despots was carried on with more secrecy, than in the wild state of a democracy was possible at any time. And here he wished to know what answer gentlemen would give him, if he asked, whether they thought, that, even if the French had been able to retain all they took, Flanders and Brabant, it would have been more dangerous to the general prosperity of Europe than this division of Poland? Or that now they were restored, and supposing them to be under the condition they stood in by the order of the emperor Joseph, whether there was a man in that House of opinion, that our safety required the continuance of this destructive war? As to Savoy, he should say nothing by way of comment upon the conduct of Great Britain: he believed that business had been commenced on the part of the French, without any thing intended to be done by us, and certainly without any promise of assistance from us to the party attacked; and therefore we were not involved in any point of honour on that account. He had indeed been told, but he had no means of arriving at real knowledge upon the subject, that application had been made to us at that time, and that our answer on that occasion amounted to a flat negative. In short, he wished to ask gentlemen who heard him, whether, from all the circumstances put together, relative to this war at this moment, peace might not now be obtained from France, even with the restitution of the king of Sardinia's dominions? But he should think it hard if this country was bound to insist upon such terms. It might be asked of him, whether, after we had spent millions in the prosecution of the present war, and considering the situation we are in at the present moment, and likewise that the convulsion and distraction of the French make it improbable they would be able to proceed without destruction, we should make peace e? He would answer-Yes. He did not think but that some indemnity might even now be obtained from our arms in the West Indies; but he called for peace as a matter of prudence on our part, under all the circumstances by which we were surrounded. And here he came to the melancholy part of the argument; for although no views of commerce could justify the continuance of any war, after the aggression that proyoked it was at an end, yet views of commerce might induce us to conclude a peace as soon as we had obtained the object for which the war began, in all cases where our honour was not at stake, even although the terms were not such as we might originally have expected. And now, he must, however reluctantly, come to the present situation of this country. The desperate state of the disease might be judged of from the nature of the remedy which they had lately been called on to apply; and here he would desire them to ask every man, whether peace at this time was not indispensably necessary for the safety of this country in a commercial point of view? Let them ask every man in the kingdom, who had any commercial dealings, whether the accounts he received from all parts of the kingdom, did not call for a conclusion to this war? Let them ask every man possessed of the smallest information upon the subject, whether he ever heard of a war more destructive to the commerce of the country than the present? Let them see whether almost every manufacturing town in the kingdom did not give melancholy proof of the truth of these reflexions. Whether the town of Manchester, and others in its neighbourhood; whether Wiltshire, and all the West, did not prove the same thing? Some, indeed, had imagined that the city of Norwich had escaped from the mischief? But he was perfectly sure that if his hon. friend (Mr. Windham) who was immediately connected with that city, should take an opportunity of speaking upon this subject, he would acknowledge the truth of these assertions, although he had reason to fear he would differ in the conclusion he would draw. Let them, however, look at the real state of affairs; let them ac knowledge, that a continuance of war might bring the greatest calamities upon us. Let them not ask themselves, what indemnity they ought to have of France; but what France had it in her power to bestow? What Europe had to bestow upon Great Britain that would recompence her for the shock that might be given to her commerce by continuing the present war. He knew there were many who maintained, that the present war was not the cause of the present commercial embarrassments of this country; he did not agree with those opinions. But supposing them to be right, he would then say, that whatever was the cause of our distresses in that respect, we could not look with any rational hope of amending our condi tion without the advantages of peace; and he was ready to express his perfect conviction, that peace must be had for our recovery. Taking this for granted, as he must, he would ask, what it was that all Europe could give us by way of indemnity for our proceeding farther in this war. What was it that we were now fighting for? For our religion? It was not attacked. For our constitution? It was perfectly secure. What if France was distracted, was that circumstance of benefit to us? What if we made law tomorrow for France? What if we exacted indemnity? What had she to give? What had Europe to give to Great Britain for the prosecution of the war? He said, he saw no room for supposing that the House would not do him the justice to believe that he did not speak from any France were unjust? Why was every man in England to be a sufferer because the people of France were in confusion, and that too when France had no power to annoy us, and when we could conclude peace with safety to ourselves and to our allies? If we were determined to say, we would not make peace with the French until they had a form of government of which we should approve, that would amount to saying, that we would dedicate to them a form of government; and if that had been avowed at the beginning he was confident the House would never have entered into the war at all; and although it was his majesty's undoubted prerogative to commence party warmth upon this subject. He thought, notwithstanding he had generally the misfortune to differ from the majority of the present House, that they would see upon this occasion the necessity of concurring with him in expressing an earnest disposition for the termination of the war; because all agreed in opinion, that whenever the object of the war could be obtained the hour of peace would arrive. What stood now in the way of peace? We had no alliance with Austria upon this occasion, nor any in that respect with the king of Prussia. With regard to Holland, any proposition for peace must be acceptable to the Dutch. But an alliance with the empress of Rus-it of his own will, yet the House would sia had that day been laid upon the table; in that alliance there was an article he was sorry to see, by which we engaged not to lay down arms but by mutual consent; and by which we might be called upon to adopt the principles of the court of Petersburgh, in the prosecution of the war; principles in themselves at all times very dangerous, but alarmingly so at this time, because we might be compelled to pursue the war until the objections of the empress were all removed. With respect to the treaty with the king of Sardinia, that was more direct and positive; but he should say no more upon these topics at this time, because that House had not yet adopted them. Another point remained. have refused to pledge itself for supplies to carry it on. If he was asked, with whom we could have signed a treaty of peace some time ago? He would answer, with M. Le Brun. All those who had supported this war had agreed that peace, if it could be obtained, was a desirable object and all that had been said or done by the National Convention, every thing that had been said or done in the city of Paris, demonstrated this, that it had ever been the opinion of that people, that a peace with this country was the most desirable of all objects for them to obtain. He owned, for his part, the necessity of this country being at peace with the French, and he was convinced, that all the people of England would see it in the same light very soon, unless they were ready to say they would pay for the follies of the French. It was a new thing to hear, that to be at peace with a people we must be pleased first with the form of their government. He knew it was not wise to Mr. Fox said, he knew the difficulty which had been often started with respect to peace. Upon this a question had been asked, whether we were to treat with France in its present state? To which he answered-Yes. With him, or them be he or they whom they might, we ought, and ulti-treat in general with those whose power mately must treat, who had the government in their hands; of this he was sure. If the contrary was true; if we treated with them only on a plan of our own, as to a form of government, we must be at war He felt a considerable deference to with them until we had beaten them; and others in speaking on parts of this subject we should in that case fight with them now. From what he had seen some time until they should obtain a legally estab-ago, he knew there was a cry in that lished government. Good God! what was there in their proceedings that made us look for an established government among them? What reason had we to expect that event to take place? When and how were we to enforce it? Let them suffer the penalties of their own injustice-let them suffer the miseries arising from their own confusion-why were the people of England to suffer because the people of was unsettled. This applied to treaties of. alliance; but when peace was the object, this doctrine was not to be admitted, as, otherwise, we might be at war for ever. House for entering into this war; but he thought, that if ever there was a period when one man spoke the opinion of every man in this country upon any subject, it was now, when he said that peace was an object the most desirable of all others. He must say, that every measure should now be taken to put an end to this ruinous war. An immediate termination of it was almost the universal desire of the people of this country. Whether it was the opinion, of that House or not, he could not tell; but he believed, that his opinion upon this occasion was, almost without exception, the opinion of the public. He did not advance this upon slight ground; he had very good authority for what he said, and he hoped it would be listened to with the attention which he was sure it deserved. but this he would say, that whenever any minister should stand forth, and regardless of the impression he should make upon the party on whose favour he might principally depend, avow his sentiments upon this subject, let it be the right hon. gentleman opposite to him, he should be glad to join with him upon that subject, and afford him all the aid in his power. The American war was an awful example to the people of this country, and he hoped we were not doomed to endure another such calamity. He must once more call upon the members of that House, to exercise their own judgment and to look at the small possible advantage to be gained, and the almost inevitable ruin of pursuing this war, and then act with courage, and put an end to this dangerous and destructive measure. He hoped and trusted they would so act; and if they did, he was confident he should give consolation to them by the measure he was now going to suggest. He then moved, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to lay before his majesty, the humble representations of his faithful Commons in the present awful and momentous crisis, a duty which they feel themselves more especially called upon to perform at this juncture, as a long and eventful period may probably elapse before his majesty can again have an opportunity of collecting, through their representatives, the real sentiments and wishes of his people. A report had gone abroad; how true it was, he did not presume to determine, because he had no means of accurate information; but certainly a report prevailed, and he knew there were many who thought that some of the most efficient ministers of the crown, sensible of the distresses of the country, and the absurdity of continuing the war, were at the present moment friends to peace; and since he had considered of making the motion with which he should conclude his address to the House, some persons had told him, that he was supported in his opinion upon this war by some persons high in his majesty's council. Be that as it might, he did not say he wished for the sanction of this or of that man; he hoped that whoever favoured that opinion would be emboldened to persist, and then he trusted the crown would be advised in the cabinet to put an end to this war. If it should be so, it would give him the most heartfelt satisfaction. He knew that the opinions of many in that House might be an argument for changing the opinions of some of the members of the cabinet. He therefore thought it possible that by dili- "In the name of the people of Great gence, his object might be gained. He Britain, his majesty's faithful Commons confessed that he so earnestly desired are bound to declare, that they concurred peace, and saw the policy of it so strongly, in the measures necessary to carry on the that if there was any one of the council present war for the objects of defence of the king who wished for it, whatever si-and security, and for those objects only. tuation that person held, and if he said he thought the continuance of this war dangerous and wished to put an end to it, such person for such a purpose should have his support, and he was in hopes that the motion he should make to-night would strengthen that opinion. He was the more inclined to think that would be the effect of it, from experience of the past. We all remember the American war-a war, during a long period before the termination of which, there was great reason to believe that not only the House of Commons and the people of this country, but also many of the efficient ministers of the crown, wished to put an end to. Whether that was the case as to the latter part in the present case he could not tell "That any plan of aggrandizement, founded on the present distressed situation of France, much less any purpose of establishing among the French people any particular form of government, never would have had their concurrence or support. "In expressing these their sentiments and opinions, on entering into the present war, his majesty's faithful Commons are sensible that they are only repeating those benevolent declarations which true policy, and a careful attention to the real interests of the British nation, induced his majesty to use in his most gracious speech from the throne, at the beginning of the present session of parliament, and in repeated messages to this House. "To represent to his majesty, that though his faithful Commons have the most perfect reliance on his majesty's sacred word and promise, solemnly pledged to this country and to Europe, not to interfere in the internal affairs of France, or to enter into the views and projects of other pow. ers, who, in the present war, may be actuated by motives far different from those which govern the conduct of his majesty, yet they feel it to be their indispensable duty to call his majesty's most serious attention to some of the circumstances which have occurred since the commencement of the present unfortunate contest. "His majesty's faithful Commons therefore make it their most earnest and solemn request, that his majesty, taking into his consideration all the above circumstances, will not fail to employ the earliest measures for procuring peace on such terms, as are consistent with the professed objects of the war, and with that good faith, strict justice, and liberal and enlightened policy which have hitherto peculiarly distinguished the British nation." Mr. Windham said, that his right hon. friend, in support of the motion which he had brought forward, had assumed and laid down what the objects were which had been held out and avowed, as the precise objects of the present war, which "The French arms, which, after a successful invasion of Brabant, had threatened the security of his majesty's allies the States General, have since been con-objects he had stated to be now attainable fined within their own territory, and are now occupied in defence of their frontier towns, against the united forces of his majesty and his allies; the danger apprehended from the former conquests and aggrandizement of the French nation appears therefore to be no longer a subject of just uneasiness or alarm. by negociation, if not already attained. So far as the declared objects of the war regarded Holland and Flanders, he had no great fault to find with the fairness of his right hon. friend's statement; but with respect to the alleged disavowal of any interference as to the internal government of France, there appeared to him a manifest error, or at least a want of sufficient precision in that statement. He was ready to admit that there had been a disavowal of any intention on our part to interfere, for the purpose of establishing in France any particular form of govern "Some of the powers engaged in the confederacy against France, have, on the other hand, openly avowed, and successfully executed, plans of domination and conquest not less formidable to the general liberties of Europe.-The rapacious and faithless dismemberment of the un-ment, but he conceived it to have been happy kingdom of Poland, without having an avowed purpose of the war, to endeaproduced, as far as it appears to this vour to bring about the establishment of House, any remonstrance from his ma- such a government in that country, as we jesty's ministers, has excited in his ma- might with safety treat with ;-we were to jesty's faithful Commons the highest in prosecute the war, till we could make dignation at so daring an outrage on the peace with safety. For his part, he was rights of independent nations, and the keen-yet to learn any principle in reason, or est solicitude to rescue the honour of the British government from the suspicion of having concurred or acquiesced in measures so odious in their principle, and so dangerous in their example, to the peace and happiness of mankind. "The severe calamities, which since the commencement of the present war, this nation has already experienced, the shock given to commercial credit, and the alarming consequences which the failure of the mercantile and manufacturing interest threatens to the public revenue, and to the general prosperity of the country, cannot have failed to attract his majesty's attention, and to excite in his benevolent mind a sincere desire to relieve his people from distresses, a termination of which they cannot hope for but in the speedy re-establishment of peace. any rule or example in practice, by which a country could be called upon, at the begining of a war, to state definitely, what were the precise objects of the war, or what the precise situation in which it ought to desist from that war: to do so would be truly impossible, because much must frequently depend, in point of prudence and propriety in that respect, upon contingencies during the prosecution of the war. His right hon. friend, however, having first assumed this as a fixed principle, having then assumed what were the avowed objects of the present war-and having also assumed that these objects are attainable-had, on all these assumptions, grounded this conclusion, that we were now only at war for imdemnification; but, denying, as he did, the |