If

have the exercise of the government. we countenanced the Memorial of lord Auckland, we should say, that the whole National Convention, all the members of the districts, in short, about eight or nine millions of people, must be put to death, before we can negociate for peace. Supposing that we were to join the conspiracy to dictate a form of government to France, he then should wish to know what sort of government it was that we were to insist on. Were we to take the form of it from that exercised by the emperor-or that of the king of Prussia-or was it to be formed by the lady who so mildly conducted the affairs of Russia—or were they all to lay their heads together, and, by the assistance of the pope, dictate a form of government to France? Were the French to have a constitution, such as the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Burke) was likely to applaud? Indeed, he feared, that this was not yet settled; and there were various specimens of what had been already thought of by different powers; there were two manifestoes of the prince of Cobourg, the one promised the form of government chosen by themselves, in which they agreed to have a monarchy; and afterwards in the course or four days, this promise was retracted in consequence of the accession of Dumourier to the confederacy-what would the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Burke) say, if they should not give the French the form of the constitution of Poland, or would he content himself with saying, they ought not to have such a constitution? He believed that neither the chancellor of the exchequer, nor any of his supporters, would say any thing at present upon that subject. It appeared, however, somewhat mysterious, perhaps, that after the congress at Antwerp, in which Great Britain was not unrepresented, the intention of the combined powers had altered, and that a much more sanguinary mode was to be pursued against France than had been before intended, and perhaps the time might come when the parties might follow the example set by the manifesto of the duke of Brunswick, and affirm that these were threats which were not intended to be carried into execution. But this was not the way to amuse us. The people of England would not long be content to remain in the dark as to the object of the war. Again he must ask, what was the object of our pursuit in conjunction with the other powers against France? Was it to restore the ancient

despotism of that nation? This would please some people he knew, particularly emigrants, but nothing would be so hateful to the people of this country, or any other where there existed the least love of freedom; nor could any thing be more destructive to the tranquillity and happiness of Europe. Were we to join Dumourier in a declaration not to rest until we had put to death those detestable regicides, calling themselves philosophers, and all the miscreants who had destroyed all lawful authority in France? If we were, he would venture to say, this would be a war for a purpose entirely new in the history of mankind, and as it was called a war of vengeance, he must say, that we arrogated to ourselves a right which be longed to the Divinity, to whom alone vengeance ought to be left. If the minister said, that on our part there was no intention to interfere in the internal government of France, he must then ask what were the views of the other powers, with whom we now acted in concert against France. Was it to make a partition of France, as they did of Poland? Or should he be told, that as far as regarded the affairs of France under the present power, he was talking of none who ought to be mentioned as a people; that the sans culottes were too contemptible a race to be mentioned; he would say, he meant to ask what was to become of the whole nation of France? If he was told that it was impossible for the crowned heads, acting in concert upon this great occasion, to have any but just and honourable views, he would answer, that the subject was of too much magnitude to be allowed to pass in such a manner, and in his suspicions he was justified by the example, and fortified by the observation of an hon. gentleman (Mr. Jenkinson) with respect to the father of the present emperor, that no man ought to take his word for one hour. No material alteration, he believed, had taken place in the views of that court since the death of that prince, nor of others in the present confederacy. Were we to forget that the king of Prussia encouraged the Brabanters to revolt, and then left them to their fate? Were we to forget the recent conduct with respect to Poland? Were we to forget the taking of Dantzic and Thorn? Indeed, he thought, that those who every day told us in pompous lan guage of the necessity there was for kings, and of the service they did to the

cause of humanity, should at least have spared the public the pain of thinking of these subjects, by not entering into the views of that unnatural confederacy. Indeed, it was impossible for him to dismiss the consideration of Poland, without adverting to an eloquent passage in the work of a right hon. gentleman, who was an enthusiastic admirer of the late revolution there. [Here Mr. Sheridan quoted a passage respecting Poland from Mr. Burke's Appeal from the Old to the New Whigs.]

With respect to the future views of the different powers, they might best be conjectured by what had already happened. The empress of Russia, upon the sincerity of whose motives, and integrity of whose actions, there could be no doubt, previous to the attack on Poland, among other things in her manifesto, said by her minister From these considerations, ber imperial majesty, my most gracious mistress, as well to indemnify herself for her many losses, as for the future safety of her empire and the Polish dominions, and for the cutting off at once, for ever, all future disturbances and frequent changes of government, has been pleased now to take under her sway, and to unite for ever to her empire, the following tracts of land, with all their inhabitants." This was the language by which the confederates were to justify, perhaps, the future taking under their sway, and uniting for ever to their empire, part of the dominions of France. We had heard much of the abominable system of affiliation adopted by the French; but this was a Russian impartial affiliation, and no doubt the confederate powers approved of it. In like manner will they affiliate all France, if they can. So will they England, when they have it in their power; and he was sorry to say, that if we joined in that infamous confederacy, and the people agreed to it, England would deserve to be so treated. The empress then proceeded to state what she expected for the favour she had conferred" her imperial majesty expects from the gratitude of her new subjects, that they, being placed by her bounty on an equality with Russians, shall, in return, transfer their love of their former country to the new one, and live in future attached to so great and generous an empress." On an equality with Russians! This was a glorious equality-liable to be sent to Siberia with other Russian slaves. For this mighty

favour they were to transfer the whole love they had for their native country, to Russia, their new and happy land; for the same minister of this equitable and generous empress proceeded to say, "I therefore now inform every person, from the highest to the lowest, that, within one month, they must take the oath of allegiance before the witnesses whom I shall appoint; and if any of the gentlemen, or other ranks possessing real or immoveable property, regardless of their own interest, should refuse to take the oath prescribed, three months are allowed for the sale of their immoveables, and their free departure over the borders; after the expiration of which term, all their remaining property shall be confiscated to the crown." "Really, after such specimens, one would have supposed, but for the well-known character of the council of these confederate powers, they were actuated by madness, or they would not thus think of insulting the feelings of human nature. But this was not all; mere gratitude was not enough an oath, it seemed, must be taken, for-" The clergy, both high and low, as pastors of their flocks, are expected to set the example in taking the oath; and in the daily service in their churches, they must pray for her imperial majesty, for her successor the great duke Paul Petrovitz, and for all the imperial family, according to the formula which shall be given them." Here, again, there was evidence of a great and good mind; for this pious empress was determined, that perjury should be very general in her dominions, and that the example should be set by the clergy!-Mr. Sheridan then proceeded to take notice of the conduct of the great and good king of Prussia with respect to Dantzic, as specified in what he called his reasons for taking possession of part of Poland with his military forces.

Now, after this, he wished to know whether any robbery that had been committed by the most desperate of the French, or whether any of their acts, were more infamous than this? Of what consequence was it to any one whether he was plundered by a man with a white feather in his hat, or by one with a night cap on his head? If there could be any difference, the solemnity with which the thing was done was an aggravation of the insult. The poorer sort of the French could plead distress, and could also say that they had endured the hardships of a winter campaign. But

here was nothing but a naked robbery, without any part taken in the calamity which gave birth to it. Crowned heads, he thought, were at present led by some fatal infatuation to degrade themselves and injure mankind. But some it seemed regarded any atrocity in monarchs, as if it had lost its nature by not being committed by low and vulgar agents. A head with a crown, and a head with a nightcap, totally altered the moral quality of actions; robbery was no longer robbery; and death, inflicted by a hand wielding a pike or swaying a scepter, was branded as murder or regarded as innocent. This was a fatal principle to mankind, and monstrous in the extreme. He had lamented early the change of political sentiments in this country which indisposed Englishmen to the cause of liberty. The worst part of the revolution in France was, that they had disgraced the cause they pretended to support. However, none would deny that it was highly expedient to know the extent of our alliance with powers who had acted so recently in the manner he had represented, and to have the object of our pursuit in this war distinctly known. The minister might perhaps in future come down to the House and say he was sorry, but it had become highly necessary to interfere with the power of Britain farther, as the crowned ladies and gentlemen of Europe could not agree about the partition of France, or that such a disposition was about to take place, that we should be worse off than if we had let France remain as she was. Those who feared the attachment of men to French principles, argued wrong; from the effect of the experiment they would never be popular; nothing but crimes and misery was the result of all the accounts from that country. If the peasant had been represented happy and contented, dancing in his vineyard, surrounded with a prosperous and innocent family-If such accounts had come, their principles would have been gladly received; at present we heard of nothing but want and carnage-very unattracting indeed. More danger, he thought, arose from a blind attachment to power, which gained security from the many evils abounding in France. On the same principle that Prussia divided Poland, he contended, they might act here. They declared a prevalence of French principles existed in Poland: his majesty's proolamation asserted the same here, and was therefore, in this sense, an invitation to

come and take care of us. Could such despots love the free constitution of this country? On the contrary, he was persuaded that, upon the very same principle that poland was divided, and Dantzic and Thorn subjugated, England herself might be made an object for the same fate, as soon as it became convenient to the confederates to make the experiment. But supposing that this country had nothing to dread in that respect, and that all Europe had nothing to look to but the extermination of French principles, how would the present prospect of our success then appear? Could we entertain so vain ahope, that the French, who had all the winter been lying in the snow some times, and wading up to their necks in water at others, in an enemy's country, fighting for their principles, would in their own, submit to give them up in a mild season? It was upon these grounds he asked what were the lengths to which ministers intended we should go on with the present war. From all the circumstances of the Memorial presented by lord Auckland to the States-general, and the dispositions of our allies, as indicated by their late conduct, it behoved this country to come to a distinct understanding on the subject of the nature of our alliances, and the objects of the war. This, he thought, would best be obtained by proposing a solemn disavowal and reprobation of the views and dispositions indicated in the Memorial, and a condemnation of that paper. After ten years peace, we had not reached our peace establishment, and our revenue had never exceeded seventeen millions. A defici ency in our revenue must now be expected, and he had heard that it was already perceptible to a prodigious extent. He concluded with moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to express to his majesty the displeasure of this House at a certain Memorial, dated the 5th of April, 1793, presented to the States-general of the United Provinces, signed by the right hon. lord Auckland, his majesty's minister at the Hague, the said Memorial containing a declaration of the following tenor: Some of these detestable regicides,' (meaning by this expression the commissioners of the National Convention of France delivered to prince de Cobourg by general Du mourier) are now in such a situation that

they can be subjected to the sword of the law. The rest are still in the midst of a 'people whom they have plunged into an