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other stories afloat at the same period | duals laboured in consequence of that equally ridiculous, and ramified into vari- system; where publicans had been told by ous rumours. It was said that numbers different magistrates of the effect of their were kept in pay; that they were drilled allowing any conversation upon politics and disciplined in dark rooms by a ser- in their houses; that if they conducted jeant in a brown coat; and that, on a themselves in the least degree displeasing certain signal being given, they would to the government they should lose their sally forth from porter rooms and back licences; and still farther, they were asked parlours, and finally subvert the constitu- what newspapers they took in. “Do you tion. Such were the idle stories with take in the Morning Chronicle or Post?" which for months the people have been Yes, Sir, "Take care there is no sedition amused. There was another circumstance in it; for if there is, you are liable to puwhich struck a panic into government, the nishment for distributing it to your cusplanting the tree of liberty in Dundee. tomers." There was one very particular But this was like "Birnam wood coming case in this respect-The Unicorn in Coto Dunsinane." This insurrection, as it vent Garden, where a society had long was called, originated with a few school met to discuss the propriety of a parliaboys, the chastisement of whom by their mentary reform. The landlord was sent master, restored them to their loyalty, for to sir Sampson Wright; the man apand prevented them from overturning the peared, and explained the nature of the constitution. Some persons, through a society. Sir Sampson said, it was permotive of indefensible humour, had writ- fectly a harmless meeting in itself, but ten a letter to sir George Yonge, inform- advised him not to suffer the society to ing him of an insurrection at Salisbury, meet again, because it might give ofwhen no such insurrection really existed. fence to the higher powers. So that a It was likewise said that there was an man was not to have a newspaper which insurrection at Shields. The military he liked, or which his customers might be were instantly dispatched; but the insur- desirous of seeing, nor was a harmless sorection had ceased, and the seditious in-ciety to be held, because it might be dissurgents were voluntarily assisting in getting off a king's ship that had run aground. He next instanced what had been deemed a seditious tumult at Yarmouth, which was equally well founded as what he had before noticed. If the chancellor of the exchequer was not so stiffnecked and lofty-if he condescended to mix in public meetings-he would not be apt to be led into those errors which were practised, he must suppose with too much success, on his credulity. In all the various accounts of pretended insurrections, there was not the least proof of discontent in the public mind, or disaffection to government in any one of these, but that the whole arose from other causes. These things entitled him to say, that an inquiry ought to take place to set the public mind at rest. He then touched upon the addresses transmitted from patriots in pot-houses to the National Convention, a long list of which had been compiled under the auspices of the treasury. One of them was signed by Mr. Hardy, an honest shoemaker, who little dreamt, God help him! how near he had been overturning the constitution.

He next took notice of the effect of the system of delusion in the metropolis, and the hardships under which many indivi

very

agreeable to the higher powers. He was
given to understand also that every thing
that had passed in his house for months
was perfectly known to the magistrates,
as well as that of every other public
house; for that they had agents employed
for this purpose.-Mr. Sheridan then took
notice of the expression of the attorney-
general at the opening of this session, of
his having two hundred cases to bring
forward for prosecution only;
few of whom had been at all brought
forward, and many of those only book-
sellers for selling in the way of trade, the
Rights of Man, omitting all the parts ob-
jected to by the attorney-general in the
trial of Mr. Paine, and for selling the Ad-
dress to the Addressers, and the Jockey
Club. Mr. Sheridan said, he had 200
cases to submit to the attorney-general
and to that House, of real hardship sus-
tained by innocent individuals, and which
he should have stated this night, but that
the unexpected diligence of the Lords.
had called for so much of his time last
week on the trial of Mr. Hastings, as not
to allow him time to collect these cases.
-The next point which came to be no-
ticed was the mode adopted on the part
of the treasury, to discover persons who
distribute seditious books. This was

done by means of a circular letter all over the country, from Messrs. Chamberlaine and White, solicitors to the treasury, to various attornies, employing them as agents in this business. This was to the last degree dangerous; because it went to place in a situation to be tempted, a set of men not distinguished for superior morality, and of making them derive emoluments from the litigation which themselves, not their clients, were to create. Many attornies had, to their honour, rejected the offer with indignation. The books chiefly to be noticed were the works of Mr. Paine and the Jockey Club. He had no occasion to say any thing of these books; but neither these, nor any other books, could launch out more freely on the necessity of a parliamentary reform, than the speeches of Mr. Chancellor Pitt, and the duke of Richmond; or more grossly against kings, than the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Burke) upon former occasions. To prove this, he read passages from the noble duke's address to the county of Sussex, and to colonel Sharman, and the volunteers of Ireland, in which he asserted that it was in vain for the people to look to the House of Commons for redress, that they could find it only in themselves; that they ought to assert their right, and not desist till they should have established a House of Commons truly representing every man in the kingdom. Frem Mr. Burke's speech on his motion for leave to bring in his bill of reform, he read a passage, calculated to represent the peers of the realm in the most abject, degraded state. He said, he was sorry that the report was not made to the king in council, of the conviction of persons charged with misdemeanors: if it were usual to make such a report, he should like very much to hear the observations of his majesty's ministers, on the cases of some of the wretched bill stickers convicted of publishing seditious libels. When the seditious passages were read, the noble duke might say, "he borrowed that from the preamble to my reform bill." The chancellor of the exchequer might say, "that expression was stolen from the speech which I made, when I proposed my plan for a parliamentary reform." He wondered how these personages could bear their own feelings, when they knew that poor wretches were lying upon straw in the gloom of a prison, for having published sentiments, which they had solemnly professed in and out of

parliament. The offence was the same in all, but mark the difference of the treatment! Punishment and a prison were the lot of one set, whilst the others were honoured with places and emoluments, and seats in his majesty's council!-He then took notice of the principles of the society, of which Mr. Reeves was the leader, and of all others formed upon that plan. These societies were described by Mr. Law, in the letter which he published on the 24th of January last, in the Morning Chronicle, stating his reasons for withdrawing from that society, and stating, amongst other things, that they proceeded against republicans and levellers upon private anonymous letters. Nothing, he said, could be more infamous than such a principle. He took notice of a sermon preached before the House of Lords, by a learned prelate (Dr.Horsley), in which his lordship complained of the folly with which people had of late suffered themselves to be carried away by a spirit of discussion about the origin of government. The slavishness of this high church doctrine, which discountenanced inquiry, could be equalled only by the want of charity, which appeared in another part of the sermon, in which the public indignation was directed against a particular description of men (Protestant Dissenters), who were represented as unworthy of the name of fellow Christians. He touched also upon a publication of Dr. Tatham, in which he accuses Dr. Priestley as an accomplice in the murder of the king of France, and told him, that whatever pretension he might have to reputation for abilities, he must give up his heart, which could in no light whatever be defended. Here Mr. Sheridan took notice of the disgraceful riots at Birmingham, and of the difficulties thrown in the way of payment of the money ordered by verdicts of juries upon trials for the damages sustained by these riots. But even this was exceeded by what had taken place in Cambridge, for, to such a pitch of insolent injustice had the system of political oppression been carried against publicans, that they were compelled to take an oath that they not only would not suffer political disputes in their houses, but that they would give an account of the behaviour and conversation of every republican they might happen to know or hear of. All this was infamous, but it was the effect of the panic he had so frequently alluded to? It was owing to that panic, that the Chan

cellor of the Exchequer objected the other | fected the clearness of his head, but had day to the receiving of the petition from violated the integrity of his heart. He Nottingham. It was owing to that panic, recommended Mr. Grey to persevere in that a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Burke) his intention of moving for a parliamentary did not of late speak with the eloquence reform; but he advised him not to make with which he used to command the ad- any profession on the occasion; not to miration of his auditors; for now really promise that as a man and a minister he the taste of his mind, and the character would support a reform; nor to say that of his understanding appeared to be al- unhackneyed in the ways of men, he would tered. It was owing to that panic, that pursue only the paths of plain dealing and his hon. friend (Mr. Windham) had honesty; in a word, not to say that the brought his mind to approve what his heart times were not good enough for him, for had for years before abhorred-he meant all this had been said by the right hon. the erection of barracks. It was owing gentleman (Mr. Pitt) who had shown that to that panic that his hon. friend had he was a stranger to the performance of prevailed upon himself to support a minis- the most solemn engagement, and that if ter, because he had a bad opinion of him. he could not accommodate himself to the It was owing to that panic that a learned times, he would make the times accommolord (Loughborough) had given his dis- date themselves to him. He was sure, interested support to government, and that his hon. friend would never be found had actually accepted of the scals of an to resemble such a character; he had a administration he had uniformly reprobat- lofty spirit, seated in a heart of honour; ed. But above all, it was owing to that and what he was convinced was right, that panic that the right hon. gentleman to he was sure he would inflexibly pursue. whom he had alluded before had lost his Mr. Sheridan concluded with moving fine taste entirely, and had become the "That this House will, upon this day slave of the most ridiculous pantomimic sevennight, resolve itself into a committee trick and contemptible juggling-and car- of the whole House, to consider of the ried about with him daggers and knives to Seditious Practices and Insurrections, reassist him in efforts of description. It ferred to in his majesty's most gracious was to this panic also that the milk of the Speech at the opening of the present sesChristian religion had lost its mildness, sion of parliament." and a spirit of intolerance had renewed its fierceness from the pulpit. He adverted to the letter signed by Mr. Windham and others, and addressed to the Whig Club, in which they signified their intention of withdrawing from the Club. Mr. Sheridan represented this letter as the effect of nothing but panic; for otherwise a gentleman could never have thought of going such lengths in favour of ministers whom he despised, and whom he could not trust, and against a man whom he affected to admire and respect. He never could have thought of withdrawing from a club, because it had nobly resolved to resist calumny, and called upon its members to rally round the champion of liberty, against whom the envenomed shafts of calumny were directed, but who, the more he was calumniated, the dearer he must become to those generous friends, who were attached to him for his virtues and his talents. When he found the hon. gentleman leagued against such a man, he declared, that though he was convinced the hon. gentleman was by nature truly brave, he verily believed the panic which had seized him, had not only af

Mr. Lambton said, it was most unquestionably the duty of ministers to have brought forward evidence of the plots and insurrections which had been so much talked of: if there were in this country incendiaries and disturbers of the public peace, they ought to have been prosecuted and punished: it would have been the interest of ministers to have done so, as they would thereby have totally confounded the unbelieving few. He alluded to the conduct of Cicero, with respect to Catiline's conspiracy, and contrasted it with that of ministers on the present occasion. Cicero came boldly forward with a direct. and precise charge, naming the whole members of the conspiracy: ministers, on the other hand, had sheltered themselves under the general and indefinite term, "notoriety," without adducing a single proof; whereas truth always spoke out fairly. He charged ministers with having given countenance to a species of inquisition of a most dangerous and tyrannical tendency. How many injurious calumnies had been thrown out against his right hon. friend (Mr. Fox), whose character stood in no need of any eulogium from

and then arguing upon it. He had talked of plots and insurrections; but the existence of plots and insurrections had never been the question. The question was the state of the country, which, in his opinion, was such as would have led to plots and insurrections. It related to seditious practices hitherto unknown, calling loudly for an effectual remedy, and amply justifying every act that had been adopted for the prevention of their farther progress. The species of insurrection stated in the proclamation, purported to be exactly what it was: and when gentlemen called for proofs of acts of positive insurrection, they called for proofs of what had never been asserted. Of the

him; but it was so exactly and so well delineated in the passage which he was about to read, that he would gladly have rummaged many a dunghill for it; instead of that, however, he had found it in a delightful garden. He then read a paragraph from a speech of Mr. Burke's, containing a high panegyrick on Mr. Fox. His right hon. friend had been indeed of late the subject of perpetual abuse; but as he did not merit it, what was intended as abuse, would in fact be commendation. Mr. Lambton proceeded to take notice of the clubs which had been so much spoken of at Derby, where no great number of persons, and they having no other object in view than the obtaining a reform in parliament, had been mag-facts which had been cited, proofs had nified into 1,500 republicans and levellers; and of those at Cromer and Norwich, which were equally innocent. He next alluded to the Association at the Crown and Anchor, and to the illegal and dangerous spirit of inquisition which marked their proceedings; and he read upon this subject, part of Mr. Law's letter, to whom his thanks were due for the honourable and proper part he had acted. He was persuaded, he said, that ministers had no proof of the existence of any of the conspiracies or insurrections about which so great an alarm had been industriously created, otherwise they would boldly and firmly have taken the necessary steps for the safety of the country, and the protection of the public peace in such a conjuncture, trusting to secure themselves by a bill of indemnity; but then indeed they must have come forward with some sort of proof. It appeared to him that ministers had two objects in view by the present alarm: one was, to get rid of a reform in parliament, by confounding with levellers all those who professed to wish for it; the other, to reconcile the people of this country to a war with France. He would warmly second the motion of his hon. friend.

Mr.Windham said, that he felt it difficult to answer the arguments of the hon. gentleman; since they were arguments in which he himself was peculiarly implicated. To a speech, however, so irregular, though various, and composed of such heterogenous materials, he should give every possible degree of method that was in his power. The hon. gentleman had used the artifice too often to be met with in polemic controversy; that of changing the question,

not been given, because they were deemed unnecessary. The whole country had teemed with seditious publications; and when the state of the country had been talked of as justifying alarm, was not that fact sufficient? Another fact, no less convincing to his mind, as the foundation of national fear, was the assiduity with which those seditious publications had been circulated. To ask for proofs of the existence of those facts was as absurd as to ask for proofs of the existence of general Dumourier: and the minds of men might be as much perplexed by questions from a subtle inquirer on the one subject as on the other. Might not a man, from a combination of various disconnected circumstances, receive a convincing impression of a general fact, and yet not be able to state any particular proofs of such fact? Would gentlemen be convinced by nothing less than ocular or tangible evi dence of every subject of inquiry? Such reasoners no statement would satisfy; and if he should say, that there was a discontented spirit at Norwich, they might ask what judgment he could thence form concerning other parts of the kingdom? But it happened, that his conviction arose not from knowledge of so partial a nature. He had seen symptoms of a discontented spirit, not in Norwich only, but in various other places; and when people of all descriptions, from all parts of the kingdom, seemed to concur in feeling the same species of alarm, however false particular rumours might be, such terror could not be totally unfounded; there could not exist. so much smoke without fire. One of the charges that had been brought forward against government was, that they had for a long time meant to carry on a war

against France, and therefore had created | the government of France, that they did the present alarm: but to that charge no not adopt and carry into practice timely other answer appeared necessary than a measures of prevention; and should we reference to dates. The alarm had ex- not take warning from the lamentable existed in November last, and government ample of that unhappy country? Who did not take their first measures till De- were the governors of France at this mocember. That alarm had called forth ment? People raised from the lowest to the different loyal associations which the highest situations, who domineered had been so much misrepresented, but over the fairest cities: and a change in which had merited the highest praise; the political system of this country would and none more so than that which had throw power into the hands of characters been so calumniated, of the Crown similar to those in France who have foland Anchor; an Association that had lowed the series of reformers, too many actually been the means of saving this to be enumerated. Was the probability country. When the hon. gentleman won- of such an event no just subject of alarm dered that he who had been in the habits and danger? The massacres of the 2d of of acting with opposition should at pre- September were said to have been prosent act with administration, he hoped duced by a mere handful of men. If that that the circumstance of his having long were true,-if so small a number could acrepresented the state of the country to complish so extensive a mischief in Paris, administration, and now supported them guarded by armed troops,-could such a in their measures taken for its safety, city as London escape the blow?-Mr. would be considered as an evidence of his Windham then stated a report which he sincerity on the subject. The hon. gen- had heard, of clubs having been formed, tleman had declared that the more uniform to which those who were admitted reand universal that fear might have been, ceived money for their attendance, and the more doubt ought there to be of the were told that their services would be existence of real danger: but this was a wanted on some future occasion. Such new theory; and to his mind it appeared a report might possibly be untrue, but he more an universality of fear, than any had certainly heard it, and he had heard principle of panic, which that hon. gentle. it from people not connected with each man could have discovered. There was other. When it was asserted, that such not a writer on the subject, who had not clubs met only for the purpose of parliaboasted that this was a new era in the mentary reform, and conducted themhistory of mankind; an era when light was selves in an orderly manner, he thought more than usually diffused, and when pub- that the ground for alarm was greater; lic opinion was beginning to be heard, just as he should have more reason to fear and could not be resisted. Other men an hostile army on being told that it was might form a far different judgment; they well disciplined. It was curious that genmight declare that the engine of these irre- tlemen should require proofs of such a sistible efforts was not that of public opi- fact as that of the opinion entertained nion, but that it was the engine of the throughout the kingdom. The unanimous press, set to work by every possible art consent of the House of Commons, on and addressed to the passions of men, meeting after the recess, was pretty good who were incapable of being actuated by evidence of such a fact. As to his having an appeal to their reason. When these canvassed for government, he denied the means had already overturned the govern- assertion; and he thought when misreprement of a neighbouring country from its sentations were so much condemned, that base, ought we not to guard from such misrepresentations of such a nature ought fatal effects? It had been said by the to have been avoided. He had before agents of Mr. Paine, that the principles said, and again asserted, that there might which would produce the same event in exist critical circumstances of the counthis country were operating with the si- try, in which to support administration lence and rapidity of thought. He firmly was the first duty of men of every party. believed it: the fact was some time Such was the case at present, and it besince to be ascertained from the ge- hoved gentlemen to be upon their guard; neral opinions of the people; from the the fire was suppressed for a time, but not fears of those who dreaded the event; extinguished. The measures of governfrom the sanguine expectations of those ment had already produced good effects. who wished it. It had been the ruin of They had checked the operations of those

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