trial of Mr. Hastings? If it was proper that the House should then vindicate their character, it was no less reasonable that the other branches of the legislature should, upon this occasion, when they had been so much attacked, take the means to enforce the respect due to themselves. This country was at present the only one where the press enjoyed any degree of freedom. He would ask, what would now be the consequence in France to him who should dare to make a motion in favour of distressed royalty? There, no opinions were allowed to be published which were inconsistent with the views of the leading party. The extent to which the right hon. gentleman had carried his doctrine of discussion was inconsistent with the maxims of every government, and could not be reconciled with the safety of any state. He allowed that part of his reasoning to be fair, which stated, that if there existed discontents the proper mode of getting rid of those discontents was, to remove the grievances which afforded ground of complaint. But what conduct could be adopted, when the complaint was not of any particular grievance, when the redress demanded was not to be accomplished by any partial remedy, but when the constitution itself was held out as a grievance, and nothing less was aimed at than a total subversion of the present system of government? In this case was it not proper for ministers to use every means in their power to prevent seditious notions from being instilled into the minds of the lower classes, and to guard them from discontents which might be attended with such fatal consequences. Those who complained of grievances, were not taught to expect a remedy from the constitution. Doctrines had been inculcated of a very different tendency; it had been represented to them, that the present parliaments, successors of those who sat only three years, had, by their own authority, extended their sittings to a period of seven years; that they were a body wholly corrupted, and incapable of redressing grievances, which they had themselves so great a share in promoting. It was stated, that now was the time for the people to assert their own rights, and to follow that example which had been set them by France. The influence of such sentiments on the lower classes was considerable, and many of them had been taught to adopt the language which he had now described. He believed that the great body of the res pectable and opulent part of the community were entirely free from such sentiments, and that they were likewise held in abhorence by the numerous middle class, who formed so important an order of the state. Among these he believed that there prevailed the most perfect attachment to the constitution. But in consequence of the doctrines which he had represented, the lower classes had been impressed with an idea of liberty and equality, not flowing from the privileges of the constitution they had been taught to aspire at an equal share in the legislative government of the country, upon the principle that one man was as good as another, and that there ought to be no distinction of claims since the rights of all were founded upon the same basis. Nay, their views had not stopped here; they not only propos ed to confound distinctions, but to invade the rights of property, and establish an equal division of possessions among all the members of the community. An Agrarian law was very familiarly talked of among the common people. These were facts, which he stated directly, either from his own observation, or information; and would any one afterwards pretend to assert, that there was no ground for alarm? It had been said that the effect of the proclamation had been to circulate more extensively writings of a seditious nature. He would not deny that nothing was more favourable to the success of any work than to render it an object of public curiosity, and that from this cause the very means taken to suppress a publication had often a direct contrary effect. But this had not been the case in the present instance, the people would never have heard of Paine's work in consequence of the proclamation, if the utmost art and industry had not been used by those who first promoted that publication to circulate it among them. It was dispersed throughout the country, and sold at a very low price; it was transmitted to every village; it was contrived that it should find its way even into every cottage. The circulation, then, was not the natural consequence of the proclamation, but of the artificial means taken to promote it; it had by these means been forced upon the perusal of every man who was able to read. The only subject of debate this evening, was the existence of that alarm which had been stated to prevail in the country. That alarm had been represented as not founded in any real danger, but as merely a device of ministers | be taken up, when the discussion would to answer their own purposes. And here be attended with no mischief. But under he could not help adverting to the differ- this pretext of a reform, a variety of ent and contradictory charges brought topics had been urged tending to excite against ministers, as suited the present discontents in the minds of the people. views of those gentlemen who were hostile The example of France had been held to their measures. At one time they out for imitation, not only with regard to were completely vilified, and represented, their object, but likewise with regard to so far from having any weight in the the means of attaining that object. An country, as distrusted in their measures, example had thus been held out of breakand incapable of giving any impres- ing down all distinctions, and giving a sion to the public sentiment. At another blow which should at once prove fatal to time, they were described as having in the monarchy and aristocracy of this their hands the whole opinions of the country. Those societies, on the model people as capable of giving them any of the affiliated societies abroad, held a direction they chose, and on this ground correspondence with France, for the purit was that they were described as having pose of overturning the constitution, and created the late alarm. But he appealed even sent members to Paris to procure to the members coming from the country, instructions. When he talked, however, and who had had opportunities of being of these evils, he did not mean to incul acquainted with the state of the public cate a sentiment of despondency, or to mind, whether such an alarm had not insinuate that no remedy could be found. existed previous to the issuing of the On the contrary, he considered the meaproclamation. The fact was that a most sures adopted by government as affording serious alarm had been excited among that very remedy. To this alarm which the country gentlemen, farmers, &c. and originated from the seditious spirit of the some active measures were necessary on lower classes, was added, the considerathe part of government, in order to re- tion of the situation of this country with store confidence to the country, and respect to foreign parts. The national prevent the dangers which threatened its convention had shown themselves dissecurity. In Scotland he had been far posed to countenance every complaint of from idle. With respect to his popularity grievances from the discontented and in that country, he must own that he factious in this country. In proof of this loved popularity, and that the odium he read an address of several societies, created against him among his country. stated to be signed by 500 persons in this men, from whatever pretence, had af- country, presented to the Convention on forded him much uneasiness. During the the 7th of November, and by them last six weeks he had spent in Scotland, ordered to be printed, and copies sent to he had been visited from every quarter, the armies and all the departments. He by the great manufacturers, by magis- likewise mentioned an address from a trates, and by gentlemen, from parts of society in Rochester, of which, however, of the country where there were no ma- the authenticity had since been called gistrates, all expressing their alarm at strongly in question; but the applause the situation of the country; and request- with which it was received was a sufficient ing the interference of government, to proof of the temper of the Convention. check a spirit which threatened such Was this, then, not a time for alarm, dangerous consequences. He desired when persons wished to subvert the congentlemen to attend to the tenor of the stitution in conjunction with foreign king's speech, and then, from a view of powers? He alluded to the late decree the whole subject, to pronounce on the by which the convention declared their legality and propriety of the measures intention to support all who should call adopted by ministers in the present crisis. for their assistance in asserting their freeHe would first call their attention to our dom, and asked to be informed what situation at home, where there was clearly French liberty meant? It was evidently a systematical design to overturn the not the liberty of the British constitution. constitution. The proceedings of dif- Notwithstanding their professions of fraferent societies afforded full proof of this. ternity, it was evident that what the The question of parliamentary reform French had had in view was the aggranwas no doubt in itself a fair subject of disement of their dominions, and the discussion, and might with great propriety establishment of their own government. This was sufficiently proved by their | this ferment had broke out in different conduct in adding Savoy as an eighty- shapes. What had passed at Yarmouth, fourth department, and by their behaviour Shields, Leith, &c. he could consider as with respect to Geneva. What right had nothing less than insurrection. Upon they to impose their own constitution in these occasions it had been necessary to the Netherlands? And why did they now call in the assistance of the military; and ask Holland to open the Scheldt, but when such alarming appearances displayed that they might send armed vessels against themselves, it certainly was the duty of the emperor? Nobody deprecated the government to take those precautions calamity of a war more than he did-a which the law authorized, for the security calamity which he prayed that God might of the country, and the maintenance of avert! Ministers had been accused of public tranquillity. In Scotland, more remissness in not taking the proper pre- particularly, a spirit of turbulence had apcautions to prevent the danger of im- peared in several places. Mobs had taken pending hostility. He should only remark, place at Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen. that on the 20th of November an intention At Dundee the pretext of the disturbance, had first been announced on the part of in its commencement, was stated to be the French to open the Scheldt. The some discontents with respect to meal; measures of ministers had been adopted bnt it was not long before the shouts of a few days after receiving this informa- liberty and equality were heard from tion, and parliament was now met on the every quarter of the mob assembled upon 13th of December. He then referred the occasion. Some even called out to the treaties which established the right" No Excise! No King!" and they conof the Dutch to keep the Scheldt shut. cluded with planting the tree of liberty. This right went so far back as the treaty Upon this occasion the magistrates had of Munster; it was more particularly been obliged to make application for the confirmed by a treaty of 1785, in which assistance of the military, a part of whom, the French themselves acted as guaran- at an instant's warning, had crossed the. tees. And now that Holland was taken Frith of Forth. Such were the facts out of the hands of the French, and again which he had to state, and which, in his united to its natural ally, this country, opinion, fully justified ministers in the we were bound to protect her by the measures they had adopted. Whether most solemn engagements of a treaty, the these facts constituted an insurrection, ratification of which had afforded mafter was a circumstance which gentlemen on of general exultation. But while he the other side seemed inclined to dispute. prayed that war might be averted, there He should not now enter into the contest was an evil which he considered as even of words. He should only remark, that a more serious than war, and to prevent mob on one occasion and in particular which a war would certainly be highly circumstances, might constitute an insurjustifiable, namely, the farther inter- rection, which would not at another peposition of France, in concert with the riod and in different circumstances. In discontented persons in this country, considering what particular acts might to subvert the constitution. With re- amount to insurrection, regard was to be spect to the question, whether the dis- had to the situation of the country and turbances which had been stated to the spirit of the times. After all, miexist in the country had authorized ministers had certainly acted much better nisters in having recourse to the measures in calling out the militia than in makwhich they had taken, he should beg leave to say a few words. When the law upon which ministers had acted added the case of insurrection to those of invasion or rebellion, it certainly meant to authorize the executive power to call out the militia in a case less than either of these latter. If he was asked what strictly constituted an insurrection, he must own that he should find it difficult to give any precise definition. But what he should now state was, that there subsisted a very considerable ferment in the country; that ing any addition to the standing force. had, as was stated from the other side, the | effect to excite alarm; on the contrary, they had tended to remove it. He wished the right hon. gentleman had not alluded to the state of Ireland. Ireland had a legislature of its own, and that House had no right to interfere in discussions, which had not yet received a decision in the proper quarter. The consequence of such unnecessary interference, could only be to provoke those disturb ances which it was desirable to avert. He begged to be excused from entering into the subject of Russia and Poland, otherwise than to observe, that if there had not been such a division in the House on the subject of the Russian war, Poland probably would have escaped her present fate. Mr. For said, that he had never laid it down that libels, but only that speculative opinions on government, ought not to be prosecuted. The libel he had prosecuted was not a speculative opinion, but a positive reflection on the character and conduct of the House; and he would say, that if a libel were now published, reflecting on the character and conduct of the king, or the character and conduct of the House of Lords, that libel ought likewise to suffer prosecution. When he spoke of Ireland, he expressed himself without any reference to her parliamentary independence. He certainly could not be suspected of any intention to injure an independance, which he had ever been most ready to assert. What he had said, was meant as a lesson to ourselves, and he thought that the more frankness was maintained on the subject, the better would it be for both countries. On the subject of Poland, he professed himself ready at any time to meet the right hon. gentleman in dis cussion. Mr. Sheridan said, that the right hon. secretary had stated as a great acquisition the declarations which had been made on every side of attachment to the constitution. Until the proclamation was issued, that attachment had never been called in question. He believed that there never existed a constitution so dear to the generality of the people. So strong was his persuasion of this, that if a convention were nominated by the free vote of every man in the country, for the purpose of framing a government, he firmly believed they would express no other wish than for the constitution which had been trans[VOL. XXX.] mitted to them by the virtue of their an cestors, and would retain the form, the substance, and principles of that constitution. But he trusted that there existed in this country a firm body of men, who would not suffer the errors and abuses of that constitution to be held as sacred as the constitution itself. The imputation contained in the speech from the throne he considered as highly unjust. It was the crown preferring a bill of indictment against the loyalty of the people. That bill was not a true one. If there were really any persons in this country who wished to overturn the constitution, their numbers were as small as their designs were detestable. Ministers themselves had created the alarm, and it was the duty of that House, before they proceeded farther, to go into an inquiry respecting the circumstances which were alleged as the ground of that alarm. Should they rely upon the information of ministers, or act upon that information, when there was reason to think that they had themselves forged the plot? He hoped it was not understood, that those who rejoiced in the revolution in France likewise approved of all the subsequent excesses. That indeed would be a very unfair mode of reasoning. The formidable band of republicans, who had been mentioned to exist in this country seemed to be men in buckram. The manner in which the addresses from this country had been received by the convention, certainly argued on their part bad dispositions, but was no proof of treacherous designs. But it had been said, would not the description of men who had been represented as entertaining seditious views, wish for a French army to be introduced into this country? Such was his idea of Englishmen, that he would take upon him to assert, that were but one French soldier to land upon our coast upon the idea of effecting any change in our government, every hand and heart in the country would be roused by the indignity, and unite to oppose so insulting an attempt. As to the question of a war, he should vote that English minister to be impeached, who should enter into a war for the purpose of re-establishing the former despotism in France, who should dare in such a cause to spend one guinea or spill one drop of blood. A war in the present moment ought only to be undertaken on the ground of the most inevitable necessity. He did not consider the opening [E] of the Scheldt as a sufficient ground for war, nor did he believe that the Dutch would on this account apply to this country for its hostile interference, unless they had previously received instructions for the purpose. Mr. Thomas Grenville rose, to explain the precise grounds upon which he should wish to vote for an amendment. Last session, struck with the danger to which this country was exposed by a seditious spirit that had made its appearance, he was desirous of calling upon the executive government to take such measures as might be effectual to oppose its progress. Upon this ground he had voted for the proclamation that was brought forward. He had no reason now to regret his vote, except that he had then the misfortune to differ in opinion with those with whom, upon most other occasions, he agreed. All the advantages had resulted from the measure which he desired or expected, and the spirit of sedition had been fully met by that spirit of loyalty which had manifested itself on the part of the people. Such was the state of affairs, when a proclamation made its appearance for summoning parliament within fourteen days, a measure entirely new, and grounded upon the country then being in a state of actual insurrection. Nothing that had been mentioned appeared to him by any means equivalent to an insurrection. He was of opinion that the state of the country was ill described by the proclamation, and he was the more induced to come forward with this opinion, as he was apprehensive that danger might arise from such exaggeration. It was the more necessary to use caution on the present occasion, as this was the first instance in which this law had been employed, and the first use of a law always gave great weight to its subsequent application. He had only one word to say on the conduct of government, with respect to the French. The system of neutrality which they had hitherto adopted, had met with the most perfect approbation of the people, and he trusted that they would not lightly depart from it. The more just and moderate our conduct was towards the French, on the better grounds should we be able to enter upon a war with them, if their conduct should render it absolutely neces sary. Mr. Burke said, that this was indeed a day of trial of the constitution. He agreed with an hon. gentleman in regard ing the present as a most momentous crisis, but for different reasons from those which that hon. gentleman had assigned. He congratulated the House on the chief magistrate of the city of London having come forward in a manner so honourable to himself, and could not let slip that occasion of paying a just tribute to the services which the city of London had at different times rendered to the constitu tion, under whose auspices it had risen to its present opulence and grandeur. It had distinguished itself by the part which it had acted both at the Restoration and the Revolution. It was sensible how closely liberty and monarchy were connected in this country-that they were never to be found asunder-that they had flourished together for a thousand years and that from this union had resulted the glory and prosperity of the nation.While he did justice to the talents and eloquence of a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox), whom nobody could more highly respect and admire than himself, and whom he should rejoice to see occupying an important situation in the administration of the country, for which he was so well qualified, he could not help remarking, that on the present occasion the right hon. gentleman had taken up a great many invidious points, which might have been spared, without any injury to his argument. He had asserted, that the statement of the existence of an insurrection was a calumny on the country. But did the proclamation say that the whole country was in a state of insurrection? He would ask the right hon. gentlemanwhom he could only compare to Cicerowhether, when Cicero affirmed in the senate, that there existed within the walls of Rome itself a conspiracy for burning and destroying that great city, he was guilty of a libel upon the people of Rome, or only upon Catiline? The charge of insurrection made in the proclamation, was not a charge upon the country, but only upon some people in it. But the alarm which had been excited, had been said to be artificial, and had been ranked among the number of false plots. The Popish plot had been brought forward, as affording an instance of a device for the purpose of creating alarm similar to what had been employed on this occasion. But were there no instances of real plots to be found in this country? What was become of the gunpowder plot, and the different plots which were formed against |