mankind cannot present a period in which, in so short a space, so many crimes have been committed, so many misfortunes produced, and so many tears shed: in a word, at this very moment these horrors appear to have attained their utmost height. During all this time the king, surrounded by his people, who enjoyed under the favour of providence a degree of pros perity without example, could not behold the misfortunes of others without the strongest emotions of pity and indignation; but, faithful to his principles, his majesty has never permitted himself to interfere in the internal affairs of a foreign nation, he has never departed from that system of neutrality which he had adopted. This conduct, which the king has seen with satisfaction to have been equally observed by your high mightinesses, the good faith of which all Europe has acknowledged, and which ought to have been respected on many other accounts, has not been sufficient to secure his majesty, his people, and the republic, from the most dangerous and the most criminal conspiracies. mightinesses on the thirteenth of November AUCKLAND, The King's Message respecting the De For several months past projects of am-claration of War with France.] Feb. 11. bition and aggrandizement, dangerous to Mr. Secretary Dundas presented the folthe tranquillity and the security of all Eu-lowing Message from his Majesty : rope, have been openly avowed: attempts "George R. have been made to spread throughout Eng. land, and this country, maxims subversive of all social order; and they have not scrupled to give to these detestable at tempts, the name of revolutionary power. Ancient and solemn treaties, guaranteed by the king, have been infringed, and the rights and territory of the republic have been violated. His majesty has therefore in his wisdom judged it necessary to make preparations proportioned to the nature of the circumstances. The king has consulted his parliament; and the measures which his majesty has thought fit to take, have been received with the most lively and unanimous approbation of a people, who abhor anarchy and irreligion, who love their king, and will maintain their constitution. Such, high and mighty lords, are the motives of a conduct, the wisdom and equity of which have hitherto insured to the king your concert and co-operation. His majesty, in all that he has done, has ever been vigilant in the support of the. rights and security of the united provinces. The declaration which the undersigned had the honour to deliver to your high "His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint the House of Commons, that the assembly now exercising the powers of government in France, have, without previous notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and property of his majesty's subjects, in breach of the law of nations, and of the most positive stipulations of treaty, and have since, on the most groundless pretences, actually declared war against his majesty and the United Provinces. Under the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggression, his majesty has taken the necessary steps to maintain the honour of his crown, and to vindicate the rights of his people; and his majesty relies with confi dence on the firm and effectual support of the House of Commons, and on the zealous exertions of a brave and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary war, and in endeavouring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the farther progress of a system which strikes at the security and peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and justice. every attack. War now was not only declared, but carried on at our very doors; a war which aimed at an object no less destructive than the total ruin of the freedom and independence of this country. In this situation of affairs, he would not do so much injustice to the members of that House, whatever differences of opinion might formerly have existed, as to suppose there could be any but one decision, one fixed resolution, in this so urgent necessity, in this imminent and common danger, by the ardour and firmness of their support, to testify their loyalty to their sovereign, their attachment to the constitution, and their sense of those inestimable blessings which they had so long enjoyed under its that such would be their unanimous decision, that such would be their determined and unalterable resolution, he should not consider it as altogether useless to take a view of the situation of the country at the time of his majesty's last message, of the circumstances which had preceded and accompanied it, and of the situation in which we now stood, in consequence of what had occurred during that interval. Debate in the Commons on the King's Message respecting the Declaration of War with France.] Feb. 12. The order of the day being read for taking his Majesty's Message into consideration, Mr. Pilt rose and observed, that in pro-influence. Confident, however, as he was, posing to the House an address in answer to his majesty's message, he did not conceive that there could be any necessity, in the present instance, at least in one view of the subject, for troubling them much at large. Whatever difference of opinion might formerly have existed with respect to subjects, on which, however, the great majority both of that House and the nation had coincided in sentiment, whatever doubts might be entertained as to the in- When his majesty, by his message, interest which this country had in the re-formed them, that in the present situation cent transactions on the continent, what- of affairs he conceived it indispensably neever question might be made of the satis-cessary to make a farther augmentation of faction to which this country was entitled, his forces, they had cheerfully concurred or whatever question might be made of the in that object, and returned in answer, mode of conduct which had been pursued what then was the feeling of the House, by government, which lately had not been the expression of their affection and zeal, carried so far as to produce even a division; and their readiness to support his majesty yet when the situation in which we now in those purposes, for which he had stated stood was considered, when those circum- an augmentation of force to be necessary. stances which had occurred to produce an They saw the justice of the alarm which alteration in the state of affairs since the was then entertained, and the propriety of last address, were taken into the account, affording that support which was required. he could not doubt but that there would be He should shortly state the grounds upon one unanimous sentiment and voice ex- which they had then given their concurpressed on the present occasion. The rence. They considered that whatever question now was, not what degree of dan- temptations might have existed to this ger or insult we should find it necessary country from ancient enmity and rivalship, to repel, from a regard to our safety, or paltry motives indeed! or whatever opporfrom a sense of honour; it was, not whe-tunity might have been afforded by the tuther we should adopt in our measures a system of promptitude and vigour, or of tameness and procrastination; whether we should sacrifice every other consideration to the continuance of an uncertain and insecure peace. When war was declared, and the event no longer in our option, it remained only to be considered, whether we should prepare to meet it with a firm determination, and support his majesty's government with zeal and courage against multuous and distracted state of France, or whatever sentiments might be excited by the transactions which had taken place in that nation, his majesty had uniformly abstained from all interference in its internal government, and had maintained, with respect to it, on every occasion, the strictest and most inviolable neutrality. Such being his conduct towards France, he had a right to expect on their part a suitable return; more especially, as this return had been expressly conditioned for by a compact, into which they entered, and by which they engaged to respect the rights of his majesty and his allies, not to interfere in the government of any neutral country, and not to pursue any system of aggrandizement, or make any addition to their dominions, but to confine themselves, at the conclusion of the war, within their own territories. These conditions they had all grossly violated, and had adopted a system of ambitious and destructive policy, fatal to the peace and security of every government, and which, in its consequences, had shaken Europe itself to its foundation. Their decree of the 19th of November, which had been so much talked of, offering fraternity and affiance to all people who wish to recover their liberty, was a decree not levelled against particular nations, but against every country where there was any form of government established; a decree not hostile to individuals, but to the human race; which was calculated every where to sow the seeds of rebellion and civil contention, and to spread war from one end of Europe to the other, from one end of the globe to the other. While they were bound to this country by the engagements which he had mentioned, they had showed no intention to exempt it from the consequences of this decree. Nay, a directly contrary opinion might be formed, and it might be supposed that this country was more particularly aimed at by this very decree, if we were to judge from the exultation with which they had received from different societies in England every address expressive of sedition and disloyalty, and from the eager desire which they had testified to encourage and cherish the growth of such sentiments. Not only had they showed no inclination to fulfil their engagements, but had even put it out of their own power, by taking the first opportunity to make additions to their territory in contradiction to their own express stipulations. By express resolutions for the destruction of the existing government of all invaded countries, by the means of jacobin societies, by orders given to their generals, by the whole system adopted in this respect by the National Assembly, and by the actual connexion of the whole country of Savoy, they had marked their determination to add to the dominions of France, and to provide means, through the medium of every new conquest, to carry their principles over Europe. Their con duct was such, as in every instance had militated against the dearest and most valuable interests of this country. The next consideration was, that under all the provocations which had been sustained from France, provocations which, in ordinary times, and in different circumstances, could not have failed to have been regarded as acts of hostility, and which formerly, not even a delay of twenty-four hours would have been wanting to have treated as such, by commencing an immediate war of retaliation, his majesty's ministers had prudently and temperately advised all the means to be previously employed of obtaining reasonable satisfaction, before recourse should be had to extremities. Means had been taken to inform their agents, even though not accredited, of the grounds of jealously and complaint on the part of this country, and an opportunity had been afforded through them of bringing forward any circumstances of explanation, or offering any terms of satisfaction. Whether the facts and explanations which these agents had brought forward were such as contained any proper satisfaction for the past, or could afford any reasonable assurance with respect to the future, every member might judge from the inspection of the papers. He had already given it as his opinion, that if there was no other alternative than either to make war or depart from our principles, rather than recede from our principles a war was preferable to a peace; because a peace, purchased upon such terms, must be uncertain, precarious, and liable to be conti nually interrupted by the repetition of fresh injuries and insults. War was preferable to such a peace, because it was a shorter and a surer way to that end which the House had undoubtedly in view as its ultimate object-a secure and lasting peace. What sort of peace must that be in which there was no security? Peace he regarded as desirable only so far as it was secure. If, said Mr. Pitt, you entertain a sense of the many blessings which you enjoy, if you value the continuance and safety of that commerce which is a source of so much opulence, if you wish to preserve and render permanent that high state of prosperity by which this country has for some years past been so eminently distinguished, you hazard all these advantages more, and are more likely to forfeit them, by submitting to a precarious and disgraceful peace, than → by a timely and vigorous interposition of your arms. By tameness and delay you suffer that evil which might now be checked, to gain ground, and which, when it becomes indispensable to oppose, may perhaps be found irresistible. It had on former debates been alleged, that by going to war we expose our commerce. Is there, he would ask, any man so blind and irrational, who does not know that the inevitable consequence of every war must be much interruption and injury to commerce? But, because our commerce was exposed to suffer, was that a reason why we should never go to war? Was there no combination of circumstances, was there no situation in the affairs of Europe, such as to render it expedient to hazard, for a time, a part of our commercial interests? Was there no evil greater, and which a war might be necessary to avoid, than the partial inconvenience to which our commerce was subjected, during the continuance of hostile operations? But he begged pardon of the House for the digression into which he had been led-while he talked as if they were debating about the expediency of a war, war was actually declared: we were at this moment engaged in a war. explanation still it would have been received. Had any disposition been testified to comply with the requisitions of lord Grenville, still an opportunity was afforded of intimating this disposition. Thus had our government pursued to the last a conciliatory system, and left every opening for accommodation, had the French been disposed to embrace it. M. Chauvelin, however, instantly quitted the country, without making any proposition. Another agent had succeeded (M. Maret), who, on his arrival in this country, had notified himself as the chargé-d'affaires on the part of the French republic, but had never, during his residence in the kingdom, afforded the smallest communication. What was the next event which had succeeded? An embargo was laid on all the vessels and persons of his majesty's subjects who were then in France. This embargo was to be considered as not only a symptom, but as an act of hostility. It certainly had taken place without any notice being given, contrary to treaty, and against all the laws of nations. Here perhaps, it might be said, that on account of their stopping certain ships loaded with corn for France, the government of Great Britain might be under the same He now came to state what had occur- charge; to this point he should come prered since his majesty's last message; and sently. He believed if government were to notice those grounds which had served chargeable with any thing, it might rather as a pretext for the declaration of war. be, that they were even too slow in asWhen his majesty had dismissed M. serting the honour and vindicating the Chauvelin, what were then the hopes of rights of this country. If he thought that peace? He was by no means sanguine his majesty's ministers wanted any justifiin such hopes, and he had stated to the cation, it would be for their forbearance, House that he then saw but little probabi- and not for their promptitude, since to lity that a war could be avoided. Such the last moment they had testified a disthen was his sentiment, because the ex-position to receive terms of accommodaplanations and conduct of the French agent were such as afforded him but little room to expect any terms which this country could, either consistently with honour or a regard to its safety, accept. Still, however, the last moment had been kept open to receive any satisfactory explanation which might be offered. But what, it might be asked, was to be the mode of receiving such explanation? When his majesty had dismissed M. Chauvelin, as, by the melancholy catastrophe of the French monarch, the only character in which he had ever been acknowledged at the British court had entirely ceased, eight days had been allowed him for his departure, and if, during that period, he had sent any more satisfactory tion, and left open the means of explanation. Notwithstanding this violent and outrageous act, such was the disposition to peace in his majesty's ministers, that the channels of communication, even after this period, were not shut: a most singu lar circumstance happened, which was the arrival of intelligence from his majes ty's minister at the Hague on the very day when the embargo became known here, that he had received an intimation from general Dumourier, that the general wished an interview, in order to see if it were yet possible to adjust the differences between the two countries, and to promote a general pacification. Instead of treating the embargo as an act of hostility, and forbearing from any communication, even ition of crowned heads." Notwithstanding the assertion that his majesty had not ceased to show his evil dispositions towards the French nation, they had not attempted to show any acts of hostility previous to the 10th of August; nor in support of the charge of his attachment to the coalition of crowned heads, had they been able to allege any fact, except his supposed accession to the treaty between the emperor of Germany and the king of Prussia. This treaty had already this evening been the subject of conversation; it had then been mentioned, which he should now repeat, that the fact, thus alleged, was false, and entirely destitute of foundation; and that no accession to any such treaty had ever taken place on the part of his majesty. And not only had he entered into no such treaty, but no step had been taken, and no engage. ment formed on the part of our government, to interfere in the internal affairs of France, or attempt to dictate to them any form of constitution. He declared that the whole of the interference of Great Britain had been in consequence of French aggressions, with the general view of seeing whether it was possible, either by our own exertions, or in concert with any other powers, to repress this French system of aggrandizement and aggression, with the view of seeing whether we could not re-establish the blessings of peace, whether we could not, either separately, or jointly with other powers, provide for the security of our own country, and the general security of Europe. after this aggression, his majesty's minis- | nation, and of his attachment to the coalters, on the same day on which the embargo was made known to them, gave instructions to the ambassador at the Hague to enter into a communication with general Dumourier; and they did this with great satisfaction, on several accounts: first, because it might be done without committing the king's dignity; for the general of an army might, even in the very midst of war, without any recognition of his authority, open any negociation of peace. But this sort of communication was desirable also, because, if successful, it would be attended with the most immediate effects, as its tendency was, immediately to stop the progress of war, in the most practical, and perhaps, in the only practical way. No time was therefore lost in authorizing the king's minister at the Hague to proceed in the pursuit of so desirable an object, if it could be done in a safe and honourable mode, but not otherwise. But before the answer of government could reach the ambassador, or any means be adopted for carrying the object proposed into execution, war was declared, on the part of the French, against this country. If then we were to debate at all, we were to debate whether or not we were to repel those principles, which not only were inimical to this, and to every other government, but which had been followed up in acts of hostility to this country. We were to debate whether or not we were to resist an aggression which had already been commenced. He would however refer the House, not to observations of reasoning, but to the grounds which had been assigned by the The next charge brought by the Naassembly themselves in their declaration tional Assembly was, "That, at the period of war. But first, he must again revert aforesaid, he ordered his ambassador at for a moment to the embargo. He then Paris to withdraw, because he would not stated, that a detention of ships, if no acknowledge the provisional Executive ground of hostility had been given, was, Council, created by the legislative assemin the first place, contrary to the law of bly." It was hardly necessary for him to nations. In the second place, there was discuss a subject with which all were alan actual treaty between the two coun-ready so well acquainted. After the hortries, providing for this very circum-rors of the 10th of August, which were stance: and this treaty (if not set aside parelleled but not eclipsed by those of the by our breach of it, which he should come 2nd of September, and the suspension of to presently) expressly said, that, "in the French monarch, to whom alone the case of a rupture, time shall be given for ambassador had been sent, it certainly bethe removal of persons and effects." came proper to recall him. He could not remain to treat with any government to whom he was not accredited; and the propriety of his being recalled would appear still more evident, when it was considered that it was probable that the banditti who had seized upon the government He should now proceed to the declaration itself. It began with declaring, "That the king of England has not ceased, especially since the revolution of the 10th of August, 1792, to give proofs of his being evil-disposed towards the French |