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A

New General Collection of Voyages

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[Remainder in our next.

W

HAT is it an Englishman can fay, that will not now-a-days give Offence? If we write against the French, we write against our new Allies; if for our late Confederates, we are Enemies to Peace, we delight in War, and, when the Examiner has the Power, muft be knocked on the Head, as he threatens us in several of his late Papers. What fhall we do? Shall we fee the French Matters of Germany? Shall we be alarmed with a new War in the Bowels of the Empire and not have a Word to fay in Favour of a Prince, whom, ten Years ago, we declared King of Spain and the Indies; whom we took from the Arms of a fond Father, and fent in the Midft of Winter Storms to fight for a Monarchy that was in Effect the Gift of England and Holland? It is not now for Spain that this unfortunate Prince fights, it is for Germany, for his Patrimony, for Liberty and not for Empire. Is it not amazing to meet with Britons and Proteftants fo ftupid as to rejoice at the Emperor's Diftrefs, whofe Ruin muft inevitably be followed by the Lofs of the Liberties of Europe? When France has fuppreffed the House of Auftria, what will become of all other Powers? Can the Dutch maintain their Barrier, or England defend herself fingly against France and Spain united? Whofe Turn will be next? The best we can hope for ourselves is to be laft destroyed, and, if the French have no Enemy on the Continent, who will dare to be an Enemy to a King who is Mafter of Germany, France, and Spain. What should we not fear from fuch a Neighbour? I will not fay the Pretener. A King of our own would be too good Fortune for us, let him be never fo bad a one; we should foon be a Province of France, and have the Honour to be governed by a Lieutenant General, a Lieutenant Civil, and a gracious difinterefted Intendant. Our Parliament would be far from being fo ho

nourable an Affembly as that of Paris; our Church, our Conftitution would have no more a Name; we must be of what Religion the French pleafe, and inftead of a Treaty of Commerce have no Trade at all; which would quickly reduce us to the Condition of the first Britons, and make us fo wretched that even Slavery will be the leaft Part of our Mifery.

It is in vain now to ask how the French came again fo near the Danube, how the Elector of Bavaria once more approaches the Plains of Blenheim; and where is the General that drove him from thence out of the Empire? It is to no Purpofe to enquire into the Caufes of the Progress of the French Arms in Germany; the Marshal de Villars is there and at the Head of a Hundred-thousand Frenchmen, and what is it not that he may do there, if the reft of Europe is paffive? Where is that Empire whole Power was reprefented fo formidable? Where are the Kingdoms that were to ravish the Balance from the Houfe of Bourbon? Have we not feen that, in two or three Months, France has driven all before her? Is the not ready to restore the Bavarian to the Condition he was in, ten Years ago, when the Emperor fcarce thought himself safe in his Palace, and the Imperial Scepter was the Hope and Promife of the Conqueror? Will France be content with Strasburgb, when she can be Mistress of Vienna ? Will Bavarta be fatisfied with a new Electorate, when he can as eafily have the Empire, and can he support himielf, without the French King, to whom he must always be a Creature and Subordi nate? Let us imagine then, that the Emperor Charles is forced to fubmit; that the Elector of Bavaria is bis Succeffor, intirely depend ing on bis Protector the most Christian King? Will Germany be then able to fend Armies to the Relief of the Durch? Will the Dutch be able to give Affittance to Britain, and

where

where then will be our Defence, will not all our Hopes lie in that King's Goodness and Moderation? Whatever Opinion I have of his Bona Fide, or his keeping his Word with us, better than with any Body elfe, I fhall not now declare myself. I have lived long enough to have seen a Reflexion on his moft Cbriftian Majefty's Conduct called Sedition, which, one could not have believed, would ever have been, when the Duke of Marlborough was where the Marshal de Villars is

now.

I must confefs however, that, notwithstanding the Examiner brags of our new Alliance with the most powerful Monarch in the World, I dread that Power of his as much as when we might freely speak the Truth of him, and every one called him the Common Enemy. I know the Respect due to Crowned Heads, at least I am not to be taught by a Faction, who in one Libel created five or fix of those sacred Heads as a Company of Beggars and Scoundrels, though King William and her prefent Majesty had been above twenty Years in the most strict and neceffary Alliance with them, for their mutual Defence, against the puiffant Monarch, our prefent Friend.

I wish the Refpect due to him was prefcribed to us, that we might know what Homage we owe to a King, that has all his Life-time been endeavouring to deftroy us. For my Part, I cannot help wishing him as ill now as ever I did, knowing that Europe cannot be fafe, while France is in Prosperity: To which, though we are at Peace with her, I cannot think it our Duty any more than our intereft to contribute. How far thofe Powers will contribute to it that fuffer the House of Auftria to be ruined, I shall not determine, but leave it to the Reader, who will not want Light in fo plain a Matter as that is. What France would do, were the Miftrels of Germany, any one may imagine by what she did in the Year 1683, and the following Year, when the expected the Empire would be over-run by the Turks and Hungarians. A Book was published at Paris by Authority, and dedicated to the King himself; in ituled, The jat Pretences of the King of France to the Empire. In which Treatife, this was laid down for a Ground,

Secondly, That Charlemain did poffefs Germany as King of France, and not as Emperor.'

If the French Court was pleafed with this Affertion, when they had only poffeffed themfelves of a few Places on the Frontiers, what will they fay when their Armies are triumphing in the Heart of Germany, and nothing can ftop their March to the Gates of its Capital? The Earl of Danby, when he was Lord Treasurer, at the fame Time that he lay under the Sufpicion of taking French Money, was fo well apprifed of the ambitious Defigns of France, efpecially upon the Empire, that he fet an Author at Work, to lay them open; which was done with equal Truth and Boldnefs, in a Book called, Cbriftianiffimus Chriftiandus, reprinted in 1701, and again in the State Tracts, wherein among other Things is faid: If this is believed in France, what may not her Scribes perfuade their Mafter? May they not as well prove and perfuade him, that he wears the Titles of all other Princes in the Pummel of his Sword? If one may judge of what is to come by what is paft, all Europe will have 'Cause enough to ftand upon their Guard, and take the Alarm to prevent the Machinations of the French Ministry, whose fole Bufinefs is to blow up the Glory of their Master to a mighty Bubble, &c. Another Author, who wrote fome Time after, has this Expreffion: Germany is a fat

Morfel which the French King has long been preparing to devour; and was he ever in a fairer Way! Where are the Pruffians and other Troops, that used to strengthen the Imperial Armies? Are they not difarmed by the Peace of Utrecht? Where are his Imperial Majesty's Allies? Are not the Electors Palat ne, of Mentz and Treves, furrounded by the Arms of France? Are not the Circles of Swabia and Franconia expofed to their Ravages? What can hinder the Elector of Bavaria's Returning to Munich; and, fuppofing his moft Chriftian Majefty would be content with his Restoration only, is it for the Interest of Europe to have Power always ready and able to affift the French within a hundred Miles of Vienna? Where nothing elfe is to be feared from the Succeffes of France in the Empire, it would be enough to raife in us the most terrible Apprehenfions. I fhall not impofe my own Sentiments on the Reader, on fo important a Subject, but communicate thofe of a Perfon of great Worth and Diftinction, in a Treatife published on that Elector's Declaring for France:

The

Advantage, fays he, accruing to the French King, by having the Elector of Bavaria in his Intereft, is fo great, that it is not at first Sight to be cafily feen or conceived. But

But this is plain, that he is one of the 'greatest Princes of the Empire; that he is capable of leading an Army, and of raifing a confiderable Force of his own; that the Situation of his Dominions is fuch, as enables him to invade the paternal Inheritance of the House of Auftria on the one Side, and to give Disturbance to the Circles of Franconia, Swabia, and the UpperRhine, on the other; that he is capable of depriving the Emperor of one Suffrage in the Diet, and of giving the King of • France another. And that by the Palati· nate of Bavaria, on the North, and by the Duchy and Electorate of Bavaria, on the South, it is in his Power to block up the Diet of the Empire at Ratisbon, or oblige them to remove at his Pleasure; he · gave us very lately a Proof of what he is capable to do in this Matter, by entertaining the eputy of a Circle of Burgundy at a Houfe of his juft oppofite to Ratisbon, when that Deputy was ordered to quit the Diet and the Dominions of the Empire; and by his numerous Army, and great Sums of French Gold, which he received, not under the difgraceful Name of a Bribe, but under the specious Pretence of being Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, he ⚫feems capable of opening the French King's Paffage to the Danube, that he may meet his most dear and natural Ally, the Grand Seignior, before the Walls of Vienna.' This Treatife was written before the laft War broke out, and how the Elector of Bavaria made good what the Author fays of him, in the Courfe of it, is too well known to need Repetition. And this then is the Prince, who, we are told, has taken Poft to put himself at the Head of the French Army, now almoft in the Bowels of Germany, and more numerous, and more in Heart, than that which, at the Expence of so much Blood, the victorious Duke of Marlborough drove from the Danube to the Rhine, after it had made the Imperial Diadem shake on the Head of the Emperor Leopold. Do not we all remember how great was our Concern for the Fate of Germany, when the Duke of Marlborough was marching to its Deliverance? The French Army was then in Bawaria, and what can hinder its being there again? Where have the German Princes two hundred Battallions and two hundred and fifty Squadrons to oppofe them? Have they not done as much as they ever will do already, and to what Purpofe have been their boasted Efforts but to fhew their Impotency? If we fhould again hear of an Elector of Bavaria, and a Marshal of France, at the Head of an Hundred thoufand Men, on the Banks of the Danube, and that at a Time when the Maritime Powers have tied up their Hands and

fent Home their Soldiers, to whom muft the diftreffed Emperor fly for Refuge? Can the King of Poland help him, when he is alarmed with the Approach of an Army of Infidels? Can the King of Pruffia affift him after a Treaty fo folemnly and fo lately figned, German Faith being of quite another Kind than was the Punick of old? And what Difference there is between Fides Punica and Fides Gallica, let the Hiftory of the laft Century determine. Will the Elector of Hanover and the Houfe of Luxemburgb be able to fend him fufficient Forces, when the Swedes are fo near at Hand, and fo willing to fall upon them at the firft Opportunity? Of what Advantage will the Alliance of the Elector Palatine be to his Imperial Majefty, when he himself and what Forces he has in his Territories are fhut up in Garisons, too weak to defend themfelves, whenever they shall be attacked? Will it not be easy for the French to involve the Electorate of Cologne and Country of Liege in new Troubles, by Means of that Elector, their faft Friend? And what can hinder the Bavarians on the other Side returning to the Obedience of their abdicated Sovereign, for whom, it is well known, they have preferved an inviolable Affection? Is this terrible Scene a diftant one? Are all these Fears vifionary? What have the Germans to hope in but God and the Winter? And when their Strength is ruined, the Elector of Bavaria returned with a French Army, to revenge the Difgrace of an almoft ten Year's Banishment; what Advantage will it be to Charles the Sixth, to have the Name of Emperor, and how long will they permit him to wear it?

About the Year 1705, the French En iffaries in Holland difperfed a Project of Peace, in one Article of which they infert, that,

If France had obtained the Victory over the Allies at Hocefiet, that would have ferved for no other End but to engage her in an Abyfs of Defigns and Enterprises one after another, &c. What would that Abyss of Defigns and Enterprifes have been? Is it not plain? Could it have been any Thing elfe but Setting up the Bavarian or a Prince of her own, as Emperor, the Depriving of the German Princes and others of their Rights and Liberties, and Eftablishing an arbitrary Power over all Europe under the new reftored Title of the Western Empire? Will France be in a worfe Condition to undertake fuch an Abyss of Defigns, when he has only the En.peror Charles to cope with, than when the had a most powerful Alliance formed against her, of the most puiffant Monarchies and States in Chriftendom? For my Part, this melancholy Profpect fills me with both Pity and Terror: Pity for the unfortunate State of a late Ally,

and

and Terror for our own perilous one afterwards. Whether we can, or whether we ought to flir a Step in his Favour, is no Bufinefs of mine; I only cafe my own Mind by communicating my Apprehenfions, and fhall be glad to find them imaginary and chime. rical. However, we feem to have forgot what was the general Opinion ten or twelve Years ago, that, next to the Dutch, the Emperor's and our Interefts were most inseparable, and that, as a conftant Maxim of English Politicks, was depended upon by all our Neighbours.

Thefe Things are not new, we have heard them over and over, they are as certain and fixed as Truth; and yet, how dexterous have fome Men been, to make us as indifferent to every Thing Abroad, as if we were not at all concerned in what happened there? That wife and warlike King, Henry the Eighth, had quite other Notions, and held it as an unalterable Maxim of Government to hold the Balance even between the Houfes of Auftria and Valois. I have feen an Answer to the before-mentioned Project of Peace, written by a German, wherein is a Paragraph, which fhews what Foreigners think of our Intereft and Policy in this Particular, it is as follows: As to the particular Intereft of the Crown of England, all Europe 'knows well enough, that it confifts in the Reftoring of a Balance, which is the only Thing that can make her happy Abroad. King Henry the Eighth made this Balance bis Maxim, and maintained it, as has been already. faid, against France, at a Time when she was not near fo formidable as the is now become fince the Treaties of Munfer and Pyrenees, and that too in Favour of Charles the Fifth, the only Emperor of the House of Auftria, who could give Umbrage to his Neighbours. Now, if the Power of France was capable of giving Umbrage to England, at a Time when the was confined within her natural Bounds, how much more ought fhe to give them Umbrage at this Time, confidering the great Increase of her Power fince, and yet ftill more, if the be left in Poffeffion of balf the Spanish Monarchy? To this, if we add the infinite Advantages the has over all her neighbouring Powers, as has been obferved already, it is certain that 'there is Caufe enough, not only to alarm the English Nation, but the remotest People of Europe. Matters being thus, it is very probable, that the Cown of England will never agree to any other Treaty, except the Reftitution of the Balance, as abovementioned, be the preliminary Conditions, c. It is foetimes very dangerous for Authors to pretend to tell what Princes and States will do, their Interest changing 1744

with Events. But here this Writer is not out in his Forefight, for, by the late Treaty, the Kingdoms of France and Spain are fo effectually divided, that the Houfe of Bourben is not to be the better for the Acquifition of fuch Part of the Spanish Monarchy, as has been yielded to a Branch of it. But, not to enter into that Debate, France, as we find by woeful Experience is of herself more than a Match for the Emperor and Empire, which now lies fo much at his Mercy; and where fhall we find the Balance fo neceffary for their Liberty of Europe, when it ceafes to be in the House of Auftria? If there must be a Power to counter-balance that of France, it can be no where elfe, but in that Imperial House for three Reasons :

The Firft is, That to counter balance the Power of France an Hereditary and Monarchical Power neceffary, that it may be always in a Condition to act, because, as all the World have feen, it is eafy for France to embroii Republicks, Elective Dominions, or any other where the Royal Authority is more limited.

The Second is, That the fame Power ought to extend to all the Places where France can attack her, and to have an ef fential Intereft every where to expofe the Growth of her Power.

The Third is, that this Faculty to act, and the Power, which directs it, require a temperate Government, mixed with Uprightness and Honesty to afcertain by that Means the Peace and Confidence of its Neighbours.

Now thofe Conditions are not to be found altogether any where elfe but in the Houfe of Auftria, and with this Advantage more, that the can never give any Umbrage to her Neighbours, both because of the known Conftitution of her Government, and besaufe, being exposed to many Attacks, her Dominions being fo difperfed, fhe is not able to maintain herself, but by the Affiftance of others, and efpecially that of the Maritime Powers. Without this Balance well eftablifhed, it is a meer Illufion that the united Provinces, às France has more than once infinuated, can always be the most firm Bulwark of the Liberty and Independency of the Sovereigns of Christendom; even tho we fuppofe them in a conftant Alliance with England; but who can promife that fuch an Alliance and good Understanding will always laft? For, as the above-mentioned Author expreffes himself, if France engaged them in War together and to weaken one another, when they should have maintained the Balance between ber and the House of Auftria; How many Ways may fhe find to divide them, if once the Peace were con cluded? Nay, Suppose a good Union Should