Mr. IRWIN. I participated in a national political movement with the knowledge and tacit support of the Republican National Committee. Senator KEATING. You mean all the members of the committee? Mr. IRWIN. No, sir. Well, now, if a statement of a national committeeman is to be accepted, I would say all. Senator KEATING. You mean the Oklahoma national committeeman? Mr. IRWIN. No. Senator KEATING. One national committeeman? Mr. IRWIN. One. I shall get to that. Senator KEATING. Do you consider that is the tacit support? Senator KEATING. Do you consider that is the tacit support of the Republican Mr. IRWIN. If we are to believe the statement of this individual, I think you will be amazed at what Senator KEATING. Did Senator Thruston Morton tell you you had his support? Mr. IRWIN. I have a reference to Senator Thruston Morton in a letter which I shall read, and I think it will make the point very clear. Senator KEATING. All right, I will be interested to hear it. Mr. IRWIN. I believe a chronological presentation of the account of my activities could best be followed, and I shall use that method. On April 15, 1960, I filed for presidential elector, office No. 5, with the chairman of the election board. I pointed out to the chairman that in the space for occupation I had described my occupation as "slave laborer for the Federal Government." With this knowledge, the chairman accepted my filing papers and, in fact, recognized the description of my job as a proper occupation. I had also made known that I would not support then Vice President Nixon for President should he be designated by the party. The Republican national committeeman Senator KEFAUVER. I didn't understand. You say you Mr. IRWIN. I had also made known that I would not support the then Vice President for President should he be designated by the party. Senator KEFAUVER. Where did you make that known, sir? Mr. IRWIN. Generally, sir, to acquaintances. I declined to pay for ads to so advertise, but there was no question in the minds of the informed electorate, shall I say. Senator KEFAUVER. I mean did you make a public announcement? Mr. IRWIN. I do not recall. I do not recall any meeting at which I made such an announcement. Certainly, I informed my friends, the delegates to the convention which was to follow, and anyone else in authority whom I thought might consider my weak voice. Senator KEATING. Were you selected at the convention or by a primary election? Mr. IRWIN. I shall point that out in this next statement, sir. Mr. IRWIN. The electors from the State of Oklahoma are elected in the primaries. Senator KEATING. And you ran in a primary? Mr. IRWIN. I did run in a primary. Senator KEATING. Against other candidates? Mr. IRWIN. I shall cover that in my next statement, sir. Mr. IRWIN. If it please the Senator. Senator KEATING. Yes. Senator KEFAUVER. Very well, you may proceed. Senator KEATING. Proceed. Mr. IRWIN. The Republican national committeeman and State chairman filed another candidate for office against me. This candidate subsequently withdrew, giving as his reason an error in his filing papers. The newspapers carried most of the above. Prior to, during, and after the convention I at all times made known my support of conservative candidates and refusal to support Vice President Nixon. November 8 and 9 Senator KEATING. You were eventually the only candidate after the other man withdrew? Mr. IRWIN. After my opposition, which was placed on the ballot by the Republican national committeeman and State chairman, withdrew, I remained the only candidate for office. Senator KEATING. Did he withdraw before the actual ballots were marked? Mr. IRWIN. Yes, indeed. Senator KEATING. So when a Republican went to vote for the elector you were the only one on the ballot? Mr. IRWIN. Quite true; yes, sir. Senator KEATING. And did you at that time make it known publicly that you would not support Mr. Nixon? Mr. IRWIN. I say publicly because I certainly conveyed my intentions to my friends that, should Oklahoma go Republican I had no intention of supporting this was, you must bear in mind, before the conventions. I would say every delegate who attended the Republican Convention was fully aware of my intentions. Senator KEATING. Were you at the Republican Convention? Senator KEATING. You were elected Mr. IRWIN. Mrs. Theo Klockman, who was both a delegate to the convention and an elector, was fully aware of my intentions. Senator KEATING. And you were elected as an elector by all of the Republican votes in the State of Oklahoma? Mr. IRWIN. I was elected as an elector by the people of Oklahoma, not by the Republican Party. The Alabama case makes that position quite clear. A political party does not elect an elector. The people elect an elector. Senator KEATING. The political parties put up a candidate for elector against those of the opposite party. Mr. IRWIN. Unfortunately, most of the States deny the opportunity for a person to vote otherwise in the election. The State of Oklahoma provides that anyone may file as an independent. What is an independent? What party is an independent? We have the reason there are not more independents is because they might just as well be Communists as Republicans. Senator KEATING. Do you think that the people in Oklahoma who voted for you thought you were against Mr. Nixon? Mr. IRWIN. Of the replies and the comments that I have had on my position, as reflected by letters and post cards that I have received and which I hope to attach to the record, two took issue with my position. The remainder were highly laudatory, were likening me to Patrick Henry, maybe because of Henry Irwin. I don't know. But highly commendatory and laudatory. Senator KEATING. That wasn't my question. My question was do you think people who voted for you as an elector thought that you were not going to support Mr. Nixon. Mr. IRWIN. I have no way of knowing that, sir. Senator KEFAUVER. Very well. Proceed, sir. Mr. IRWIN. On November 8 and 9 it became apparent to a shrewd observer or analyst that a possibility existed to deny the Presidency to Kennedy and to elect a conservative coalition. I received a copy of a letter suggesting the southern Democratic electors meet to consider withholding their support of Kennedy. This letter I offer merely to indicate that the question is: Would you not like to meet with other southern electors and persuade the presidential nominees to give the South ***" and so forth. The point I would like to make here is that it was a meeting of southern Democratic electors. Senator KEFAUVER. What letter is that? Can you identify it? Mr. IRWIN. This is a letter from R. Lea Harris, Montgomery, Ala., November 9, 1960. Senator KEFAUVER. Received by you? Mr. IRWIN. It is an open letter, apparently an open letter to all presidential electors. This copy I did receive. Senator KEFAUVER. That will be made a part of the record. (The entire correspondence submitted by Mr. Irwin at this point, with attachments, follows. Handwritten portions are shown in italics.) To All Presidential Electors: MONTGOMERY, ALA., November 9, 1960. The Constitution of the United States makes the presidential elector an official of the utmost importance. The next President of the United States has not really been elected, as under our electoral system, the so-called "election" is legally in the nature of a preferential primary. The presidential electors have the complete power to name the next President and this fact gives you an immensely powerful bargaining position. Already three times in our history, the majority of voters preferred one candidate but the electors named another President, and several other times candidates with mere pluralities have been named President. You may elect an entirely different nominee, or before you vote, have any required public commitments concerning future policies on national affairs, or prevent any punitive actions against the South. I am confident that many electors, regardless of their economic and political leanings, earnestly desire to see this great power they hold exercised to give the South some influence in national affairs. This may be accomplished in several ways, but only if southern electors will act in concert. Please carefully read the enclosed memorandum. Considering your position of great power and influence, would you not like to meet with other southern electors and persuade the presidential nominees to give the South certain assurances of proper treatment and discuss the affairs of the Nation in general. Possibly the electors may decide on another course. Nothing can be lost by such a meeting, but much may be gained. Feeling certain that such a conference or convention will be avidly welcomed by most south ern electors whereby they may personally have the pleasure of meeting the next President and Vice President, and since time is short, I have moved to be of assistance by making hotel reservations and having facilities for the meeting. If you support such an idea, please contact me immediately. Those who first respond can begin acting as a steering committee for the conference or convention. Very sincerely, LEA HARRIS. MEMORANDUM (Proposed or Suggested Presidential Elector Plan) Attention: All Presidential Electors: Convention of southern presidential electors could be called for November 18, 1960, at Montgomery, Ala. A PLAN TO GIVE THE SOUTH A PARTIAL VOICE IN THE AFFAIRS OF THE NATION There is a possibility that enough southern Democrats will not vote for Senator Kennedy in the electoral college, thereby denying him the electoral selection. To ascertain exactly who is voting for the nominee and further to exercise a healthful inflence as set out below, a proposed convention of southern presidential electors may be called for November 18, 1960, at the Jefferson Davis Hotel, Montgomery, Ala. Regardless of how you personally feel in casting your electoral vote, all electors should come and personally meet the next President and Vice President of the United States, and other nationally known figures. You would enjoy getting to personally know the next President, Vice President and other prominent national figures. In addition and more important, you could participate in formulating national policy if you desire. Please read carefully the enclosed information concerning the Office of Presidential Elector, and also this proposed "Plan to give the South a voice in the affairs of the Nation," which plan consists of three alternative plans. You, the presidential electors, are completely legally free to act as you think best. Between now and the proposed elector convention time, give this plan your utmost consideration. A PLAN TO GIVE THE SOUTH A PARTIAL VOTE IN THE AFFAIRS OF THE NATION (In Three Alternative Plans-A, B, and C) Presidential electors from the 11 Southern States could be invited to attend a southern presidential elector convention to be held in Montgomery, Ala., on November 18, 1960. Presidential electors would be invited to this southern convention from the following States: 1. Virginia 2. North Carolina 3. South Carolina 4. Georgia 5. Alabama 6. Florida 7. Mississippi 8. Tennesse 9. Arkansas 10. Louisiana 11. Texas President electors, Republican and Democratic, from other States would be invited to the 2d presidential elector convention, possibly set in Chicago 10 days later on November 28, 1960. (This convention probably will be dominated by Republican electors.) Alternative plan A This plan is assuming that the convention of southern presidential electors decide to support the Democratic presidential nominee, Senator John Kennedy. This convention will cause him to adjust his administrative policies on certain policies of the United States (if the convention so decides) such as curtailing the U.S. policy of giving large grants of foreign aid to Communist countries. A close examination of the foreign aid policy of this country indicates that our foreign aid policy is not entirely motivated by the high purpose of helping the Communist countries revolt against their Communist masters but in part promulgated to placate certain radical pressure and leftwing groups in this country. Do you know that since 1946, after World War II was over, the United States has given over $11 billion of foreign aid to Communist Russia alone? Millions of additional dollars have been given to other Communist countries. Both major parties advocate continuing foreign aid to Communist countries such as Poland and Czechoslavakia, yet these same "poor Communist countries" have wealth enough to send guns, war material and expensive radio transmitters and the like to the anti-American Castro regime in Cuba and help formulate world trouble elsewhere. Khrushchev stated that the Communist countries would "bury the West" in production. Unfortunately, if they succeed, they will be succeeding in part with sizable production and help from the United States. Your attention is called to the fact that after the atomic spy traitors, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were tried and found guilty, that a mob of 75,000 of your fellow American gathered in New York City to protest the carrying out of the sentence. By no means does this writer imply that this group were Communists, but obviously this group was used for a Communist purpose. It is not impossible that this radical group could be the balance of power for the block of New York votes. These radical groups have pressured and also bona fidely convinced fine and sincere men that America should, for various reasons, give a considerable portion of our wealth and production to the Communists. If the southern presidential electors would request Kennedy to change the U.S. policy of giving sizable aid to Communist nations, he would have no alternative except to acced to demands of southern presidential electors. This southern elector influence or counterpressure would offset the radical pressure of certain northern radical groups. Other policy changes in national affairs may be required of him by the southern convention of presidential electors, such as possibly recognition that the 10th amendment of the Constitution still exists, and any other policy they decide on. The 10th amendment says: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." The Democratic electors could offer their resolution to Senator Kennedy and if Senator Kennedy refused to accede to their demand, the southern Democratic electors could act upon plan B or plan C. Plan A is, in essence, a policymaking arrangement. Alternative plan B Southern convention of presidential electors could pass resolution reversing the position of candidates for President and Vice President; that is, have Senator Lyndon Johnson voted in as President, and Senator John Kennedy voted in as Vice President. While this plan B would not be to the preference of the northern and western Democrats, this plan should be acceptable to them as it would be a compromise and better for them than plan C. No statesman from the 11 Southern States has been President since Civil War days. Thus, for over 100 years, no man from the South, which is almost one-third of the Nation, has had the privilege of occupying the Presidential chair. This of course, is due largely to unwarranted sectional prejudice against southerners. Plan B would be for the presidential electors, at the insistence of the southern presidential electors convention, to reverse the Democratic ticket and name Senator Lyndon B. Johnson for President and Senator John Kennedy for Vice President. If the northern and western Democrats would not be willing to have a southern Democrat (Lyndon Johnson) lead the Democratic Party just once in 100 years the southern electors at the convention could proceed with plan C. Alternative plan C (Remember one and an idea may be a majority. Republican presidential elector convention planned for Chicago.) If the northern Democrats do not want to go along with the above alternative plan B, then the alternative plan for the southern convention would be that they could achieve in the electoral college what has been achieved in Congress for many years; that is, a coalition of southern Democrats and Republicans. Plan C is as follows: The southern presidential elector convention would nominate a list of outstanding southern men to be President of the United States and the Republican electors would have a meeting in Chicago and select the candidate for President from among the list that they would prefer to have as President of the United States. As an added inducement, the southern convention would agree to support any Republican candidate for Vice Presi |