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herself in deadly peril, that, in 1889, the Irish seaman whose death we mourned a few months ago took the Calliope out of Apia Harbor in the teeth of the fearful hurricane which destroyed fourteen of the vessels lying there. "I will ever remember," said Sir Henry Kane, "that mighty outburst of fellow-feeling. I can only say, 'God bless America and her noble sailors.' In Admiral Sims, now working at the Admiralty in perfect harmony with Sir John Jellicoe, they have sent us just such a colleague as we should have most desired. return, we are lending them Captain Evans, of the Broke, the destroyer leader who, with her sister ship, the Swift, routed half a dozen enemy destroyers in five minutes last April. The name of the Broke is well known to Americans. It was borne by the fine seaman who took to heart the lessons afforded by American gunnery in the many single-ship actions in which they beat us, and defeated his heroic adversary Captain Lawrence in the historic combat with the Chesapeake. The flotilla now off our coasts is but an earnest of the help which America is going to give the Allies, but Sir Edward Carson speaks only sober truth when he declares that no more important event than its arrival has happened in the history of the New World or of the Old.

It is important from a military standpoint, but it is infinitely more important as a symbol and a seal of the new union of hearts between the British and the American peoples. Both know now that they have one great common ideal; both have determined to repel all who raise their hands against it; both are "out together" to preserve the true freedom of the seas, "and," said Sir Edward, "we mean to do it." We mean to do it. We mean to assert and to secure the reign of ordered freedom, of law,

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and of humanity upon earth. But Sir Edward solemnly warned us not to under-estimate the danger of the submarine menace that we must overcome. "It is," he declares, a great, a novel, and a terrible menace" -a menace which no navy has yet solved. It may sorely try the courage and the "grit" of our people in the coming months. It may even raise the question whether we or our adversaries are going to "stick it out." Sir Edward's answer is the nation's answer. "We are.' But we must entertain no illusions about the facts. Some of our merchant ships have had extraordinary good fortune in escaping the torpedoes launched at them. We cannot safely rely on its continuance. It is tolerably well known, too, that we have also sunk a certain number of the hostile craft, and we have apparently sunk them before their reliefs were ready for sea. But they will soon be ready, and then we must expect increased attacks. Sir Edward has no new defense to announce. He tells us not to get either "swelled heads" or "cold feet," but to grapple with our difficulties, day by day and hour by hour, until they are overcome. All this shows that the problem of shipbuilding remains as urgent as ever. "Ships, ships, ships" is still the solution, and we trust that Mr. Lloyd George and his colleagues will not allow their other cares to banish this truth and its vital moment from their minds. That is a matter in which America will doubtless give us valuable assistance. We do not know whether the enemy tonnage in her ports can be made available at present, but we welcome the indications that the President is alive to the inestimable value of time in this contest, and that he is trying to impress the fact upon others. As the war tends to become a struggle of endurance, promptitude becomes more and more essential.

We know by bitter experience what delay means, and we know what it costs. Mr. Balfour has done much to bring home to Americans the sad lessons of our experience, but his appeal, of necessity, is limited. We are delighted to hear the rumor that President Wilson himself may underThe Times.

take the task of rousing the nation to the greatness of their opportunities and of their duties. A summons from him to "wake up" would do more to accelerate real "preparedness" across the Atlantic-and so to shorten the war-than argument or exhortation from any lips but his.

The Colonel had asked me to dinner in his hut. "Come at six o'clock," he said, "and I may be able to give you a little amusement before dinner." He did. He and his men were to go up to the dine on the morrow; so the officers had arranged a smoking concert, and had borrowed for the occasion a large hut belonging to the company who had charge of a German Prisoners' Camp. The hut was lighted with hanging lamps, and filled with men and tobacco smoke (mainly of the Woodbine breed, which Tommy loves more than the best Havana).

At the top table is the very smart Regimental Sergeant-Major, who is in the chair. In place of the usual hammer, he keeps order by rapping on the table with a large silver cigarette The concert has already started when we arrive, and after waiting for the end of the ditty in progress we make our way to a table next the chairman, amidst some little applause from the men, for my host is popular.

case.

To my surprise I see seated on one side of the hut at the far end of the room eight German non-commissioned officers, all smoking (again mostly Woodbines), and all evidently enjoying the musical efforts of our gallant Tommies. These Germans were very fine men. Two were sergeant-majors, and had most intelligent and interesting faces. Another, a studious-looking, rather delicate fellow, was, I found. a science

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master at some German school. had a guitar, which he played later with great effect.

The concert went on: lugubrious songs, all without accompaniment, with verses that ran into double figures. "Don't go down the mine, daddy," and songs of the "Little Irish Rose" and "Shamrock" type were the most popular; several again of the "Scotch Whiskey" variety, and then the meeting is called to order by the chairman, who announces: "The enemy will oblige with a folksong and chorus-the best of order and a bit of encouragement, please." "The enemy" remove their caps, come to the front, bowing to the Colonel as they pass, and sing a part-song, conducted by one of the sergeant-majors, and accompanied by the delicatelooking man on his guitar. It is music -real music, the performers—all eight of them-obviously enjoying it. One or two have really good voices, and there is not a false note. Tommy looked on in amazement. He seemed surprised that these strange people could sing in such a difficult language and certainly surprised at the very high musical standard. The enemy is heartily applauded, and returns quickly to his seat and his Woodbines, again bowing to the Colonel en route.

Then the Adjutant tells stories, chiefly concerned with the troubles of young officers and raw recruits, which shake the audience with laughter.

He

is followed by the Colonel, who stands up, all six feet of him, perfectly "turned out," and recites in most racy manner "The Gee Bung Polo Club." The applause was intense, and this although there were probably not half a dozen men in the hut who could tell you anything about the game of polo! Still, as I have said, he is a good Colonel.

And now the chairman announces the last two items on the program. "Best of order, please, while the enemy gives "The Watch on the Rhine' -and you can ease yourselves afterwards by singing 'Rule, Britannia.'" So "Die Wacht am Rhein" is most feelingly rendered by the enemy, and The Saturday Review.

the last notes have hardly died away when Thomas Atkins lifts the roof off with that pæan of liberty which (so the verse tells us) was caught from the lips of "Guardian Angels." Then "God Save the King" and the men disperse, many of them singing as they go out:

We beat them on the Marne,

We beat them on the Aisne; We gave them hell at Neuve Chapelle, And here we are again.

The enemy seemed quite happy, but one large Bavarian sergeant-major, who spoke perfect English, said to me: "But, sir, surely not quite like that at Neuve Chapelle." And he was right.

D. O. C.

The Representation of the People Bill has passed its second reading in the House of Commons. The days have long gone by when a speech on either side affects the voting, yet Lieutenant-Colonel Sanders and Lord Hugh Cecil deserved to have swung the majority to their side. Unfortunately, the majority had decided which way to vote beforehand, as usual, and not the songs of Apollo could avail against what in effect, though not in name, was party interest and discipline. Mr. Walter Long did indeed majestically deny that the collusion between the parties had anything to do with party, and immediately afterwards made the rather inconsistent remark that "he believed his party had suffered whenever it had embarked on opposition to an extension of the franchise." Q.E.D. But what is the real origin of the new Franchise Bill? It arose out of the refusal of the late Government to grant the franchise to his Majesty's Forces serving abroad. Parliament had neither the will nor

the energy to compel the Government to pass a simple measure which was, and still is, demanded by the country. But the demand for that particular extension of the franchise gave the party politician an opportunity to devise a measure which, while expressly omitting to qualify sailors and soldiers on service at sea and abroad, might so increase the electorate at home that party machinery in the House of Commons would have a chance of not being disturbed in case of a General Election.

To change the electorate is the first interest of certain politicians whose prospects have become exceeding overcast. With considerable ingenuity it was argued that there could be no extension of the franchise to sailors and soldiers unless it was also extended to women. It was a false argument, because, in accordance with a pledge loyally observed, the women had made no such stipulation. But in order to divert attention from that fact, Mr. Asquith suddenly announced his conversion to the

cause of Women's Suffrage, alleging as the reasons for his change of mind arguments which were just as cogent before the war but which before the war he scorned. It was an astute manœuvre, because, although it gave one more proof that Mr. Asquith has no convictions, but only provisional hypotheses, on any subject, it enabled him presumably to count upon the votes of many women. Moreover, as the ex-Premier and his friends are well aware, the introduction of the Franchise Bill and the proposals for the unsettlement of Ireland have the inestimable advantage of leading the Government deep into а morass. The Government are going far beyond public opinion in their schemes; they have outrun the definitely limited authority under which alone they hold office; and the consequences which we predicted are already occurring. There are distrust, a renewal of bitter controversies, and the slow anger of people who, desiring nothing but to get on with the war, contemplate the Government embarking upon enterprises which would absorb their whole time and intellect in a period of profound peace. They also perceive a man like Earl Curzon, a member of the War Cabinet, recanting his expressed views one after the other, eating his words, and appearing to enjoy the ration. It used to be considered the mark of a statesman to decide for or against a particular proposal, according to what he conceived to be the good of the country, and, having made his decision, to stick to it. If a new set of circumstances arose, the matter might be judged again. But in the two casesnot to mention others-under review there are no new circumstances except one. That one is the plain justice of giving sailors and soldiers the vote; and it is exactly that which is not given. There is no difficulty in so

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doing. The Australian Act of March 19 last is perfectly simple. Men serving outside Australia receive papers entitling them to vote either as electors in the district in which they reside or in the district in which their next-of-kin resides.

The amendment brought forward by Lieutenant-Colonel Sanders proposed the rejection of the Bill for the two very good reasons that in time of war the Government ought not to proceed with such a measure and that it did not confer the franchise upon sailors and soldiers. These are the reasons upon which our own objections are founded. They appear to us unanswerable. At any rate, no one has answered them. The argument urged by Sir John Simon that it was necessary to create the machinery by means of which the "problems" arising after the war could be solved signifies only that the fighting men are to have no part either in setting up the machinery or in its operations. No doubt that arrangement would suit Sir John Simon very well; but it will not suit the country. As the House of Commons has seen fit to approve what is called the principle of the Bill, the appeal lies to the House of Lords. We can only hope that the Upper House will not be influenced by what they were told will be said of their action in "another place." Their business is to resist an unconstitutional and an unjust measure and to enforce the rights of the Service men. As for the Government themselves, they are pursuing the course expressly designed for their destruction by their political enemies, who are both numerous and vindictive. So long as the Prime Minister deals fairly by the country he may disregard his foes. But if they succeed in entangling him in controversial politics his end is already in sight, and his best friends will be unable to save him.

The news that a small Expeditionary Force, amounting to about a division of Regular troops, is to come from the United States as soon as possible to fight in France has been received with unbounded satisfaction in Great Britain. President Wilson, having made up his mind that war was the only way of salvation for the world, seems to be acting as though he had followed and marked all the lessons which the Allies have learned through very painful experience. It is evident that he believes that a method of carrying on war with less than your whole strength is the most unsatisfactory, the most expensive, and the most cruel that can be devised. He wisely means to keep clear of that method. Observers here are impressed by the fact that he is doing nothing slowly, and nothing by halves. This decision to send an Expeditionary Force without delay is probably one of the wisest of his many recent acts of foresight and resolution. The display of the American flag and the American uniform on the Western front will be a pledge and a stimulus of a moral value out of all proportion to the number of the troops sent. There are many possible lines of criticism of the President's decision, but we feel that the proof of his personal enthusiasm, of his anxiety to be "in it up to the neck" at the earliest moment, will turn out to be of vast and determining importance. It has been said that the American Regulars are the only men who can adequately train the New Armies of American recruits, and that therefore they ought all to be kept in the United States till the new soldiers have learned enough to be independent. But we suspect that Mr. Wilson has a much more cogent

argument than that. He probably considers that nothing but the best training is good enough for the New Armies, and that the best training can be given only by those who have taken part in the unprecedented warfare of the Western front. We are writing quite without evidence on this subject, but we hope that the sending of a division of Regulars to France means that the American military authorities recognize that as many of their men as possible must be taught their business in the best of all schools-the school on the spot. It is excellent news that the United States Government will probably send a regiment of Marines with the division of Regulars. Ten thousand engineers are also being recruited to serve in France. Add these to the division of Regulars and the Marines, and the numbers of the Expeditionary Force will amount to nearly thirty-five thousand men. The prospect of this force arriving within a short time after the declaration of war is a magnificent demonstration of American earnestness. The Germans little knew the kind of people they were taking on when they weighed them in the balance against the desperate hope of a "U"-boat victory. It is hoped, as the Washington correspondent of the Times tells us, that before the autumn the American Regular Army will have risen to two hundred and ninety thousand by voluntary recruiting. The Militia or National Guard will raise its strength this summer to three hundred and thirty thousand, also by voluntary recruiting. Behind these there is the enormous mass of human material, liable to compulsory service, out of which fresh Armies can be formed. If conscription be applied only to men of twenty