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a matter of no moment. The Germans, earth have come to join us. The two and even the Austrians, know enough schemes of thought and of life, autocof the military resources of America, racy and democracy, stand in deathand of the indomitable vigor with grips. One or other must conquer, and which she uses them in war, not to the conqueror will in large measure feel a fresh chill at their hearts when dictate the moral and political conthey learn that her soldiers are already ceptions of the world. It is the convicreaching the Western front.

tion of this truth, slowly forced upon But the unfurling of the Stars and her by the studied barbarism and the Stripes in Europe beside the Union studied duplicity of Germany and her Jack and the Tricolor means more accomplices, which has forced America than a vast addition to our military to take her rightful place in the armies strength, more than Allied victory, of freedom. Germans have been armore even than a democratic peace. guing on all sorts of grounds that It is an earnest of all these, but it is American citizens really could not be also a symbol of that union of mind and convinced that they have anything feeling between the ordered democ- to fight about, and their many agents racies of England, France, and the in the United States are busy supUnited States, which promises to play porting the contention. They deplored the greatest part in moulding the conscription in America, as the sacrifuture ideals and the future destinies fice of “one of the most sacred prinof the world. This union, as we have ciples of national life,” just as they had more than once insisted, bids fair deplored conscription in England. They to rank forever amongst the great took comfort in the reflection that historic landmarks in the moral and America would find it hard to send poli ical history of mankind. It is and maintain a large army overseas, too large and too near a thing for the even if the expeditionary force were boldest amongst us to gauge.

In to escape the German submarines. character, in extent, and in duration In any event, they were confident its results are past finding out. But that the American Army is “not to we know that it is built on all that is be taken seriously.” Well, we shall best and most solid in the tried and That, as Herr Harden unkindly trusted traditions of the three democ- reminds his countrymen, is exactly racies who have combined with most what they said about the British success the blessings of progressive Army in the autumn of 1914. The first liberty and the blessings of stable fleet of American transports has already order in their national life. We know arrived. The men in these ships, and that the principles in which these the millions they left behind them, traditions have their roots are sacred, know well what is the cause for which and that from them no evil can pro- they are ready to sacrifice their all. ceed. We feel that this union is good, It was defined for them and for the and we look forward with eager hope- kindred democracies of the world once fulness to the exalted visions which for all in the cemetery of Gettysburg. it foreshadows. Visions, traditions, They are fighting that this world and principles alike are all incompatible “under God shall have a new birth of with the elementary dogmas of Prusso- freedom, and that government of the German Kultur and of its daughter people, by the people, for the people, "militarism." That is why we drew shall not perish from the earth.” And the sword and that is why the freest for that cause they will fight to the and the most pacific republicans on the death.


The Times,




The position in Russia is one of of party government as well as its extreme political difficulty, which the practice. Most of us would point out convenience of the revolution for us that we are at present governed by a and for the French Republic, in- coalition. But the coalition is itself a tolerably compromised as

product of the very pressure that morally by the obsolete tyranny of the forced William III and Marlborough Tsardom, must not lead us to under- to abandon eclectic Cabinets. When rate. A war cannot be carried on by a the war came, it broke Mr. Asquith's weak or divided Government; and an Cabinet in two pieces, one of which undivided Government means a party split off at once by flat resignation, Government: that is, one that puts its leaving the other in an anything but own existence and cohesion above all solid condition. The result was that other considerations, opposing all sug- Mr. Asquith was forced to take a step gestions, good or evil, except on con- which in any less grave emergency dition that it carries them out itself. would have taken away the breath of This system was imposed on us by every political moralist. Finding, as William III as necessary to success William and Marlborough found, that in his struggle with Louis XIV; without a solid majority for the war and when Marlborough, not under- in the House, supporting a war Cabinet standing it (like most of us today), through thick and thin, the resolute attempted to drop it, he was forced prosecution of the war was impossible, back to it by the pressure of the same he made a secret compact with the war. The point of it was, not in the Opposition by which, in consideration least that men differ in opinion, and of its supporting him in the event of too that the struggle between the Pro- large a part of his own left wing desertgressive and Conservative will always ing him, he agreed to drop during the exist, but that the Cabinet must war all legislation as to which the two consist exclusively of sound party parties were at issue. I invite the most Tories or exclusively of sound party thoughtful attention of the Russian Whigs: the definition of a sound party leaders to the fact that this transman being one who places the retention action, which at any other time would of office by his party above all other have placed Mr. Asquith in the considerations, political, moral, social, position of a Minister who had secretly religious, or even personal.

sold his party's principles and beThis system is obviously a very trayed his followers in order to mainquestionable one both politically and tain himself in power, was accepted morally. Like many other necessities on all hands as inevitable and correct of war, it is an abuse in peace; and out- when it was disclosed some months side the amateurs of the party game later by Mr. Bonar Law in order to nine out of ten Englishmen, if asked force Mr. Asquith to share the spoils whether King George should not be as of office with his Unionist supporters. free as Charles II to call on the best A year earlier the scandal would have men to form his Government, irre- been as great as if General French had spective of party, would unhesitatingly shot General Hindenburg, and picked reply in the affirmative. Some of us the Kaiser's pocket. Under the preswould learn for the first time that sure of war it was considered that such a course would violate the theory Mr. Asquith was as fully entitled to do



it for the sake of defeating Germany as for them, largely by the folly of their General French to fire as many cannons discarded rulers; and the revolution as he could find shells for at General has transformed it from a dynastic Hindenburg, or General Smuts to seize Pan-Slav war to a crusade for liberty the German colonies in Africa. The and equality throughout the world. strain set up on the Liberal conscience Yesterday the kings of the earth rose would have wrecked any Government up and their rulers took counsel toin peace.

But the solidifying effect gether against the Lord and His on the Government of the common anointed. Today the democrats of danger produced by war was such the earth rise up and their leaders that Mr. Asquith never found it take counsel together against the necessary even to justify his action. kings; and in this holy war lies the He took it as a matter of course; and salvation of Russia from anarchy. In it was accepted both in Parliament England, in France, and in Italy we and out exactly as he took it.

shout, not very convincingly, that Accordingly we draw the moral that nothing is more to be dreaded than for Russia as for us a united omni

peace. But in Russia it is plain to potent Government is a necessity in every intelligent politician that peace

But this can be turned the is impossible, because peace with the opposite way with equal effect. If it be foreign foe would let loose a civil war true that to win a war you must which, failing a Napoleon or Cromwell have a united omnipotent Govern- to establish a military dictatorship, ment, it is no less true under present might end in a White Terror and a few circumstances that if you want more disastrous years of Romanoff united omnipotent Government you Tsarism. must have a We had that Therefore if I

Russian axiom in the eighteenth century from statesman I should say to my countryRussia on the authority of Catherine men: “Do not fight one another: II: we had it in the nineteenth century fight the Hohenzollern." There is a from France the authority of time for the ideals of Tolstoy; but Napoleon III: in England we know today is the time for the warning of it so well that no Englishman ever that still harder-headed genius Ibsen, mentions it. And its present applica- which warning is that you keep far tion is that if the Russian Revolution from the primrose path of ideals and is to be saved from reaction, and the look to your real welfare. For good or Russian Republic from disruption by evil, the world has again committed the discontent of the working class and itself to the ordeal of blood and iron; the diversity of the ideals of its own and though nobody with any brains reformers, the revolutionary Govern- worth talking about would have ment must fortify itself by a war, done such a thing, yet now it is done precisely as the French revolutionary the result will depend on the quantity Government had to. If there were and quality of brain that can be war it would have to make brought to bear on the blood and

iron. The revolution needs to be as By a stroke of luck so fortunate that crafty as Bismarck, and as free from few good Churchmen will hesitate to idealistic illusions as Ibsen, if it is to describe it as Providential, the Russian weather such a storm. I do not ask leaders are spared the horrible neces- the Russian leaders to trust us or any of sity of cynically making war to save the Allies; our history is not so distheir country. The war is ready made interested as to give me the right







I say,

German terror which is serving it so well at present. M. Ribot, in his dread of a Russian-made peace-a dread caught from us which may be called English measles—is forcing an

open door.

to make any such demand. simply: Russians, look to your own interests, and you will find that they point even more emphatically than ours to pushing the war, even for the very sake of war, more resolutely than any dynasty. For the revolution has its back to the wall: it is the emperors who now seek peace.

Thus, whatever the Councils of Workmen and Soldiers may imagine, there is far more danger of the Russian revolutionary Government refusing to make peace when the moment comes for the rest of the Allies to consent to it than of its throwing away the The Manchester Guardian.

The new régime in Russia will not be safely seated, for many a long day yet; and, until it is, the choice for it will be between war and Tsar, between military discipline and anarchy. If it does not choose war it will be very different from all previous successful revolutions in which the State power has passed to men not born and trained to govern.

Bernard Shaw.





On the day that I left hospital, with a month's sick leave in hand, I went to dine at my favorite Soho restaurant, the Mazarin, which I always liked because it provided an excellent meal for an extremely modest

But this evening my steps turned towards the old place because I wanted word with Monsieur Joseph, the headwaiter. I found him the same genial soul

ever, though a shade stouter perhaps and grayer at the temples, and I flatter myself that it was with a smile of genuine pleasure that he led me to my old table in a corner of the room.

When the crowd of diners had thinned he came to me for a chat.

"It is indeed a pleasure to see M'sieur after so long a time," said he, "for, alas, there are so many others of our old clients who will not ever return."

I told him that I too was glad to be sitting in the comparative quiet of the Mazarin, and asked him how he fared.

Joseph smiled. “I ’ave a surprise for M'sieur," he said—“yes, a great surprise. There are ten, fifteen years

that I work in thees place, and in four more weeks le patron will retire and I become the proprietor. Oh, it is bee-utiful,” he continued, clasping his hands rapturously, “to think that in so leetle time I, who came to London a poor waiter, shall be patron of one of its finest restaurants."

I offered him my warmest congratulations. If ever a man deserved success it was he, and it was good to see the look of pleasure on his face as I told him so.

“And now," said I presently, "I also have a surprise for you, Joseph.”

He laughed. “Eh bien, M'sieur, it is your turn to take my breath away.

“My last billet in France, before being wounded," I told him, "was in a Picardy village called Fléchinelle."

He raised his hands. "Mon Dieu," he cried, "it is my own village""

“More than that,” I continued, "for nearly six weeks I lodged just behind the church, in a whitewashed cottage with a stock of oranges, pipes and boot-laces for sale in the window."

"It is my mother's shop!” he exclaimed breathlessly.



I nodded my head, and then proceeded to give him the hundred-andone messages that I had received from the little old lady as soon as she discovered that I knew her son.

"It is so long since I ’ave seen 'er," said Monsieur Joseph, blowing his nose violently. “So 'ard I work in London these ten, fifteen years that only once have I gone 'ome since my father died."

Then I told him how bent and old his mother was, and how lonesome she had seemed all by herself in the cottage, and as I spoke of the shop which she still kept going in her front-room the tears fairly rained down his face.

“But, M'sieur,” said he, “that which you tell me is indeed strange; for those letters which she writes to me week by week are always gay, and it 'as seemed to me that my mother was well content."

Then he struck his fist on the table. “I'ave it,” he said. “She shall come to live 'ere with me in Londres. All that she desires shall be 'ers, for am I not a rich man?

I shook my head. "She would never leave her village now," I told him. “And I know well that she desires nothing in the world except to see you again."

Then as I rose to go, "Good night, M'sieur,” said Joseph a little sadly. "Be very sure that there is always a welcome for you 'ere.”

The next time that I dined at the Mazarin was some four weeks later, on the eve of my return to the Front. A strange waiter showed me to my


place, and Joseph was nowhere to be

Indeed a wholly different air seemed to pervade the place since my last visit. Presently I beckoned to a waiter whom I recognized as having served under the old régime. "Where is Monsieur Joseph?” I asked him.

Where indeed, Sir!" the replied. “It is all so strange. One day it is arranged that he shall take over the restaurant and its staff, and on the next he come to say ‘Good-bye' to us all, and then leave for France. Oh, it is drôle. So good a business man to lose the chance that comes once only in a life! He is too old to fight. Yet who knows? Maybe he heard of something better out there ..."

As the man spoke the gold-andwhite walls of the restaurant faded, the clatter of plates and dishes died away, and I was back again in a tiny village shop in Picardy. Across the counter, packed with its curious stock, I saw Monsieur Joseph, with shirtsleeves rolled up, gravely handing a stick of chocolate to a child, and taking its sou in return. In the diminutive kitchen behind sat a little whitehaired old lady with such a look of content on her face as I have rarely

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No one who has lived in London through the various air raids can any longer believe the platitudinous pretension that human fear can only be

held in check by discipline and duty. Excitement, curiosity, sheer irresponsibility, the mysterious attraction of risk, the mysterious desire to

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