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EIGHTH SERIES
VOL. VII

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No. 3815 August 18, 1917

FROM BEGINNING
VOL. CCXCI V

CONTENTS

I. The Constitutional Difficulties of Ameri

can Participation. By Lindsay Rogers CONTEMPORARY REVIEW 387

II. On Fifth Avenue in 1917. By Gertrude

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427

V. The Origin of the Submarine. By J.

VI.

VII.

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A Job on the Long Farm. By Jane Barlow SATURDAY REVIEW
Dickens as a Master of Words. By

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DOOM OF THE ZEPPELIN. Poised for an instant, stricken Leviathan tosses and twists and heaves, Then-with a whistling crescendo of sound, soul-chilling, tumultuous, Like the surging of storm-driven waters over a desolate shore,

Or the riving of forest trees opposed to the cyclone's sudden wrath,

Or the Wail of the Damned borne out

to the marge of the Stygian Lake— The blazing mass plunges and dives head down a thousand yards plumb through space.

Whispers the wind-
"Justice, men say, is blind"
Say they?

F. C. Owlett

THE CONSTITUTIONAL DIFFICULTIES OF AMERICAN

PARTICIPATION.

In waging war the United States labors under certain difficulties in addition to those common to all democracies. These are partly indicated by two famous passages, in Bagehot's English Constitution. "The English Premier," he writes, "being appointed by selection, and being removable at the pleasure of the preponderant Legislative Assembly, is sure to be able to rely on that Assembly. If he wants legislation to aid his policy he can obtain that legislation; he can carry on that policy. But the American President has no similar security. He is elected in one way, at one time, and Congress (no matter which House) is elected in another way, at another time. The two have nothing to bind them together, and, in matter of fact, they continually disagree." At the time Bagehot wrote, Johnson had succeeded Lincoln as President, and there was thus before the author's eyes "the most striking instance of disunion between the President and Congress that has ever yet occurred."

Even to the alarmist this danger is today hardly visible on the horizon. In the Senate the Democrats have a working majority; in the House party lines are almost evenly divided, and the balance of power is held by a handful of Independents; but in the preparation for war, politics will figure only to a very slight extent. There was no necessity for an avowed truce, as was the case in England, since a successful opposition merely means the defeat of a particular measure, and the Government remains in office, although, perhaps, with its prestige somewhat impaired. Nevertheless, since the entrance of the United States, party lines have been largely forgotten, and the votes on particular

measures simply indicate the opinions of the individual members. Such a conflict as that of Johnson's time, moreover, is rendered the more unthinkable by the fact that President Wilson has established a measure of control over Congress far greater than anyone of his predecessors was able to achieve. It is well known that as a writer on politics, before his entrance into public life, he considered the Cabinet form of Government much superior to the Presidential, and strongly urged its adoption in the United States, although with some necessary modifications on account of the election of the chief executive. This opinion was probably due, in large part, to his study of Bagehot, and since his accession to office, Mr. Wilson, through openly assuming the position of party as well as national executive; through personal influence with members of Congress; through drafting administration measures and appealing to the country for their support; through standing out as the ablest man of his party, and, perhaps, of the country, has been absolutely dominant over Congress. The matters on which he has been defeated have been largely of insignificant detail. More than any

other President he has been a Prime Minister; Congress has been led. This will be more and more the case if Mr. Wilson measures up to his tremendous responsibilities. The policy with regard to specific phases of American participation in the war will be formulated by him and his advisers and thrust through Congress. His victory on the Conscription Bill, in overcoming a clear majority against it, and in favor of trying a call for volunteers, is a signal tribute to his powers of conciliatory, but effective leadership.

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DOOM OF THE ZEPPELIN. Poised for an instant, stricken Leviathan tosses and twists and heaves, Then-with a whistling crescendo of sound, soul-chilling, tumultuous, Like the surging of storm-driven waters over a desolate shore,

Or the riving of forest trees opposed to the cyclone's sudden wrath,

Or the Wail of the Damned borne out

to the marge of the Stygian LakeThe blazing mass plunges and dives head down a thousand yards plumb through space.

Whispers the wind-
"Justice, men say, is blind"
Say they?

F. C. Owlett

THE CONSTITUTIONAL DIFFICULTIES OF AMERICAN

PARTICIPATION.

In waging war the United States labors under certain difficulties in addition to those common to all democracies. These are partly indicated by two famous passages, in Bagehot's English Constitution. "The English Premier," he writes, "being appointed by selection, and being removable at the pleasure of the preponderant Legislative Assembly, is sure to be able to rely on that Assembly. If he wants legislation to aid his policy he can obtain that legislation; he can carry on that policy. But the American President has no similar security. He is elected in one way, at one time, and Congress (no matter which House) is elected in another way, at another time. The two have nothing to bind them together, and, in matter of fact, they continually disagree." At the time Bagehot wrote, Johnson had succeeded Lincoln as President, and there was thus before the author's eyes "the most striking instance of disunion between the President and Congress that has ever yet occurred."

Even to the alarmist this danger is today hardly visible on the horizon. In the Senate the Democrats have a working majority; in the House party lines are almost evenly divided, and the balance of power is held by a handful of Independents; but in the preparation for war, politics will figure only to a very slight extent. There was no necessity for an avowed truce, as was the case in England, since a successful opposition merely means the defeat of a particular measure, and the Government remains in office, although, perhaps, with its prestige somewhat impaired. Nevertheless, since the entrance of the United States, party lines have been largely forgotten, and the votes on particular

measures simply indicate the opinions of the individual members. Such a conflict as that of Johnson's time, moreover, is rendered the more unthinkable by the fact that President Wilson has established a measure of control over Congress far greater than anyone of his predecessors was able to achieve. It is well known that as a writer on politics, before his entrance into public life, he considered the Cabinet form of Government much superior to the Presidential, and strongly urged its adoption in the United States, although with some necessary modifications on account of the election of the chief executive. This opinion was probably due, in large part, to his study of Bagehot, and since his accession to office, Mr. Wilson, through openly assuming the position of party as well as national executive; through personal influence with members of Congress; through drafting administration measures and appealing to the country for their support; through standing out as the ablest man of his party, and, perhaps, of the country, has been absolutely dominant over Congress. The matters on which he has been defeated have been largely of insignificant detail. More than any

other President he has been a Prime Minister; Congress has been led. This will be more and more the case if Mr. Wilson measures up to his tremendous responsibilities. The policy with regard to specific phases of American participation in the war will be formulated by him and his advisers and thrust through Congress. His victory on the Conscription Bill, in overcoming a clear majority against it, and in favor of trying a call for volunteers, is a signal tribute to his powers of conciliatory, but effective leadership.

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