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lutely prohibited the settlement of foreigners upon the frontier provinces of its possessions, but even discouraged its own subjects from occupying the lands which now present such great temptations to farmers, mechanics, and manufacturers.

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reader will perceive are fully met by the legislature of Coahuila and Texas; and such inducements are held out to settlers and contractors, in their state law of the 24th of March, 1825, as it was thought would have the effect of inducing the im"Immediatety after the dissolution of its con- mediate emigration of foreigners into its territonexion with Spain, Mexico began to follow theries; and such was the effect, as far as the law bright example set by their northern neighbors of was known, which was not however extensively. the United States, who, from a liberal course of "The preamble and first section of this law, set policy in granting the public lands to enterprising forth the desire of the government, in language settlers, in the short space of twenty years have calculated to induce the highest confidence; the erected several states and territories, of the most interest of the state guarantees its design, and industrious population, out of the region which both are reassured by the Castilian honor of the would still have been called the wilderness of Louisi-nation, which uses the terms in which it is couch'ana, if it had remained under the Spanish yoke." ed. The words are, the constituent Congress of The object of Mexico is, to populate her unin- the free, independent, and sovereign state of Coahabited territory; and, with this view, she has huila and Texas, desiring by every possible means to augment the population of its territory; promote adopted the most liberal system, relative to coloni- the cultivation of its fertile lands; the raising and zation, known in modern times. We again quote multiplication of stock, and the progress of the the author of the pamphlet, above mentioned: arts and commerce; and being governed by the basis established by the national decree of the geconstitutional act, the federal constitution, and the neral Congress, No. 72, have thought proper to decree the following law of colonization.

"To show the desire of the government and spirit of its laws, it will be useful to call the attention of the reader to the first article of the National Colonization law of the 18th August, 1824, wherein 'the Mexican nation offers to foreigners, who come to establish themselves within its territory, security for their persons and property, provided they subject themselves to the laws of the country;' to the 7th article, in which the congress interdicts its own authority to prohibit the entrance of any foreigner as a colonist, unless imperious circumstances should require it, with respect to the individuals of a particular nation; to the 14th which guarantees the contract the Empresarios make with their colonists; and to the 15th, which prohibits any person from holding lands acquired under this law, who does not live within the limits of the republic.

"On the 6th of April last, another national law was passed, relating, in some of its articles, to the colonization of the lands of the republic. It inhibits the entrance of foreigners by the northern frontier without passports; requires the states strictly to observe the laws of colonization, and to prevent the introduction of slaves. It contains a

prohibition of the citizens of foreign countries, lying adjacent to the Mexican territory, from settling, as colonists, in the states or territorics of the republic, adjoining such countries, and suspends the terms of those contracts which are opposed to this article, so far as the same are not complied with. It opens the coasting trade to foreign vessels, for transporting the produce of the colonies to Matamoros, Tampico, and Vera Cruz, for four years, and admits the importation of frame houses, and every kind of foreign provisions, into the ports of Galveston and Matagorda, free of duty for two years. This law appears from the terms of it, to be occasional and temporary; and while it inhibits foreigners of one particular nation, from becoming settlers, leaves the choice of colonists from all others, open to the contractors.*

"Art. 1. All foreigners, who, in virtue of the general law of the 18th of August, 1824, which ty, in the territory of the Mexican nation, wish to guarantees the security of the persons and properCoahuila and Texas, are at liberty so to do, and remove to any of the settlements of the state of

cond article assures those who do so, that instead the said state invites and calls them. The seof being incommoded, (referring probably to the inconvenience settlers suffered when the state was under the Spanish dominion,) they should be freely permitted to follow any branch of industry they think proper. The 3d and 4th articles permit any foreigner, then in the state, to domiciliate himself, by making a declaration to that effect to the mu nicipal authority, and gives him liberty to select any vacant land for his residence.

Articles 8 and 9 authorise the making ofcontracts for colonization, and repeats the guaranty of the national government, regarding the contracts made by the empresarios [contractors,] with The 32nd article makes the following extremely the families brought on at their own expense. liberal and encouraging provision.

"During the first ten years, counting from the 1 day on which the new settlement may have been established, they shall be free from all contributions, of whatever denomination, with the exception of those which, in case of invasion by an ene my, or to prevent it, are generally imposed. And all the produce of agriculture or industry of the bala,) or other duties, throughout every part of the new settlers shall be free from excise duty, (Alcastate, (with the exception of the duties for working the mines.) After the termination of that time, the new settlements shall be on the same footing, shall also, in this particular, be on the same footas to taxes, with the old ones; and the colonists ing with the other inhabitants of the state." "

"The principles of the permanent national colonization law of 1824, many of the important principles of which are herein before alluded to, the *The reasons, assigned for the enactment of this law, have been heretofore stated, viz. the belief that the government of the "United States of America" was determined to possess itself of the Texas coun-authorities, and to be elected to the same.' try, (by fraud or force, if it could not otherwise be done,) with the view of adding several more slave States to this Union.---G. U, E.

"The laws go further, and besides granting exemption to the settlers for ten years, of all taxes and duties upon articles imported for their own freeman's privilege to foreigners, by making them use, in the 42nd article allows the exercise of a "eligible to elect the members of their municipal

"In addition to the provisions contained in the laws, the land commissioner's instructions, prepared under the direction of the legislature, pro

Fiat Justitia Ruat Colum.

vide, that it shall be the duty of the commissioner, keeping in view the contract of the empresarios with the government, and the colonization laws, to examine the recommendations which the new settlers shall produce from the local authorities of the place they shall have removed from, accrediting their Christianity, morality, and steady habits; and then goes on and points out the mode in which deeds are to be obtained by the settlers, as follows:

""The commissioner shall issue, in the name of the state, the titles for land, in conformity with the law, and put the new colonists in possession of their lands with all legal formalities, and the previous citation of adjoining proprietors, should there be any.'

"His other duties are, to lay out towns, survey townships by base lines of north and south and east and west lines, establish ferries, preside at popular elections, &c. &c.

miciliated in the state, are citizens, whatever may have been the country of their nativity.

"Provision is made in the constitution, 'that every inhabitant of the state can terminate his dif ferences, be the state of the case what it may, by the medium of arbitrators, or in any other extra judicial manner, and all agreements to arbitrate shall be religiously observed.' In most cases, 'no suit in writing can be maintained until an amicable settlement shall first be attempted in the form prescribed by law.'

"Public instruction is predicated upon the following basis: 'In all the towns of the state, there shall be established a competent number of common schools, in which there shall be taught reading, writing, and cyphering; the catechism of the Christian religion, a short and simple explanation of the constitution, and the general one of the republic; the rights and duties of man in society, and that which can conduce to the better education of youth.'

"It will be expected, perhaps, that some information should be given of the form and powers of "The method of instruction shall be uniform the government, which exercises jurisdiction over throughout the state, and in those places where it the territory in question. Of this, to citizens of may be necessary, there shall be institutions of the United States, it would perhaps be enough to learning more suitable for disseminating public insay, that it is modelled on their own; but to Euro-struction in the useful arts and sciences." peans it may be necessary to add, that Mexico We close our review of this pamphlet, with one consists of eighteen separate states and five territories, united under one general government, or more extract, relative to the future prospect of the federal head. Its form is republican representa-political condition of the Texas country. And we tive. It consists of an executive called the presi-shall, hereafter, endeavor to show the reciprocal dent, chosen for four years, and not re-eligible until after the expiration of four years more; of an independent judiciary, and a legislature of two

branches.

advantages, to both the Mexican government and that of the United States, which would be likely to result from the establishment therein of colonies, or settlements, of the colored people, whe may be desirous of emigrating from this country. The writer proceeds:

""The faculties of the general Congress are to sustain the national independence, and provide for the national security and preservation of its exte rior relations; to preserve the federal union of the states, and the peace and public order of the inte- "It was said, in the first part of this address, rior of the federation; to maintain the independ- that, until it was otherwise conceded by the treaence of the states among themselves, and to sus-ty of Florida, it was always supposed that Texas tain their proportional equality of obligations and rights; and, generally, it has power to conduct and manage all the exterior relations of the country.'

was an integral part of Louisiana, by which it is bounded on the east and on the north. Its numerous rivers rising in the United States and emp tying into the Gulf of Mexico, the fertility of its "The powers of the state government of Coa-soil, capable of supporting millions of inhabitants; huila and Texas are vested in a governor, legisla- | its harbors, and particularly the bay of Galveston, ture, and judiciary, similar to those of the United || nearly as large as Narraganset bay, in which there States of North America, and arise among others is a great depth of water, but which has a fixed from the following preliminary dispositions.

bar of twelve feet water at low tide, which might "Every man who inhabits the territory of the be easily removed, so as to make it a most healthy state although he be in transit, shall enjoy the im- and commanding naval station, are local induce prescriptible rights of liberty, security, propertyments of sufficient importance to make this terriand equality; and it is the duty of the state to conserve and protect, by wise and equitable laws, those general rights of mankind.

"It is also an obligation on the state to protect all its inhabitants in the right which they have to write, print, and publish freely their thoughts and political opinions, without the necessity of examination, revision or censure, anterior to their publi

cation.

"In this state no person shall be born a slave, neither will the introduction of slaves be permitted under any pretext.*

"Foreigners who are actually and legally do

*Some of the settlers in Austin's colony, subsequently to the enactment of this law, adopted the plan of taking in slaves under indentures for the term of ninety-nine years. But the legislature, at its last session, passed an act, declaring that no indenture should be binding, under any circumstances, for a longer period than ten years.----G. Ụ. E.

Should

tory a desirable acquisition to the United States.
But its importance to this country, more than all,
arises from the commanding power it would give
to another, should it fall into her hands.
Great Britain, to whom Mexico is indebted in
something like seventy millions of dollars, acquire
it, circumstances, in the political relations of the
two countries, may easily be imagined, which
would make the possession of that territory by
her a matter of immense importance to us.
With
New Brunswick and Nova Scotia on the east, Ca-
nada on the north and northwest, (excepting a
few degrees of the Rocky Mountains,) and Texas
on the west, she would as completely environ the
United States, as the natives of the east do her
East Indian possessions, and would require us to
keep up, at least, as large a force for our own de-
fence against her, as she does against them. She
would even more completely encompass us, if the
ocean were now her own, as she used once to call it.

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that

"As it was the fear that Louisiana would fall Garrison & Knapp, in Boston. The size of the into the hands of his great maritime enemy, work is somewhat less than was originally coninduced Bonaparte to offer it to the United States, templated, each number containing sixteen pages, which it was his policy to strengthen as the commercial rival of Britain; so it should be our policy not quite so large as those of the Genius of Unito prevent the Texas becoming one of her provin- || versal Emancipation. It has a handsome cover, ces. It was probably with these views in part, and is well edited, and neatly printed. The first that the ministers to Mexico, of both the last and present administrations of the United States, have number is accompanied by a beautiful copbeen instructed to negotiate on the subject of the perplate engraving, representing a female mispurchase of Texas, should Mexico be willing to sionary, instructing a native African. This ensell it. The disposition to cede this territory to graving, itself, is worth the price demanded for us, it seems the government of Mexico does not possess; but in case a cession of it should become the volume. The friends of universal emancipanecessary to attain funds for its exhausted treasu- tion may assist materially in promoting the good ry, Great Britain wouid most probably be favored cause, by extending the circulation of this valuwith the offer of it in preference to the United able work. States; and there are many reasons for supposing she is now negotiating for it.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS-NULLIFICATION. "While the stability of the government of either of these powers, as it might seem to some, would This gentleman continues to pursue an extragive a greater value to local possessions in Texas, ordinary course. We have not had leisure to atyet it can hardly be supposed that the jealousy of either power will permit a quiet cession of it to the tend the sittings of the House of Representatives; other; and such is our view of the policy of Texas but we learn that, on the morning of the 4th inst. itself, if that is to govern, (and surely the voice of he indirectly opposed any action of Congress upon the people should have some influence upon the the proposal to abolish slavery in the District of decision,) the colonist of Texas should not desire it. The reasons are few and simple upon which Columbia; (it will be remembered, too, that the this opinion is founded. In the first place, were people of the District have again petitioned for the Texas to become British, it would be like her enactment of a law to that effect;) yet, on the same other American possessions, a colony instead of a state. It would be dependent on her for rulers day, he delivered a speech replete with appropriand laws, and would be governed by the political ate rebuke against the spirit of nullification in the policy and commercial monopoly of its step-mo-south, and threatened the slave holders with the ther, instead of its own. Should the United States "action" of the northern States, (in their State ca. acquire it, all the advantages it now possesses by the liberal settlement laws and tariff protecting pacity,) relative to the system of slavery. policy of Mexico, would be lost to it; the progress of population would be impeded by placing the minimum price of its lands on a footing with those of the United States, and all the produce of its soil and manufactures, which have now the markets of Mexico open to it, duty free, would be subject to the payment of the same duties in those mar- "Mr. Adams, yesterday, appeared in the house kets as those of any other foreign country. The of representatives, in odd positions. In the morneffect of this would be to turn the produce of Tex-ing, he was opposing indirectly, any action of Con. as from the markets of Matamoros, Tampico, and Vera Cruz, where corn sells at $5 a barrel, to New Orleans, where it fetches less than one, and to cause a reduction in the value of other articles of export in the same proportion. They must be blind indeed, who wish a change attended with such consequences.

But we shall attempt no criticism of his conduct, in this case. The reader will make his own comment. We give, below, in as brief a compass as possible, a view of the speech just alluded to, from one of the newspapers.

gress upon the proposal to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. In the afternoon he delivered, in favor of the protecting system, one of the most forcible speeches ever made here on the protecting system-not over twenty minutes dura. tion-but pithy, cogent, convincing, overwhelm. ing. In this he argued, that "protection" was the "Another reason why a cession of Texas is not end and aim of all government. To protect the desirable to its inhabitants, arises from their coninterests as well as the civil rights of the individition under its present government. They are dual was the duty of government. 'Protection' perfectly contented with it; they desire no better pervaded every principle and section of our con-it is a free republic like that of the United States; federacy. The slave interest of the south, which the people choose their own rulers and make their he termed 'the machinery of the south,' was proown laws, and those laws exempt them from du-tected with a representation in Congress of over ties upon all goods imported for their own use, and from all taxes for the support of government, for ten years from their settlement. What more can they desire? and if they did, we know not to what government they can look with a prospect of attaining it."

"THE ABOLITIONIST.

We have received the first and second numbers of this publication, for January and February. It is edited by a committee of the New England Anti-Slavery Society, and issued from the press of

twenty members. The machinery of the free states had no such representation. This representation of southern machinery had controlled nearly all the important measures of our government, in opposition to the votes and wishes of the free states. Again, the standing army of 6,000 soldiers was for the protection of this machinery. What interest had the spindles of the north, or the shepherds of the north, in this standing army! Or what interest had the backwoodsman in the navy, intended for the protection of commerce and navigation, if government was to be considered a mere selfish affair, intended only for individual, and

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not for the good of the whole. If protection was unconstitutional, it was so in other instances than in that of the tariff. Mr. Adams here remarked in reference to the representation of slaves, that if this power was not granted in the compact, and the question was to come up anew, he never would concede it. But grant, he remarked, the power to abolish the protection extended to the north, will not the north soon exclaim against the protection extended to the south! The standing army instructed to keep slaves in obedience will soon be abolished. Slave representation will be struck out next. The navy voted down next. Mr. A. then adverted to the position of South Carolina, questioned whether she had now a republican form of government as guaranteed in the constitution, argued that the question of nullification must be met, and now was the best time; for if evaded now, it would soon spring up under a more dangerous form-and with all due respect to South Carolina, he would add, there were other states who could put on a much more imposing front." He concluded with the following allusion to the

bill, for the modification of the tariff, introduced by Mr. Verplanck:

NOT A SINGLE COLORED MAN HAS YET BEEN COM

PELLED TO LEAVE THE STATE, in consequence of those laws. It is true that some efforts were made, by malicious or prejudiced men, to expel them; and a few were frightened away; but the advocates of their expulsion have never been able to induce the people at large to join in their unholy crusade. They have not, and it is believed they will not enforce the odious laws in question. The edi tor of the Genius of Universal Emancipation has lately travelled much in Ohio, and the above is the result of his inquiries.-The citizens, generally, do not perceive the least necessity for the exclusion of the colored people, and will not expel them.

Then it may be well for the legislators of Pennsylvania to consider, first, whether their constituents are more prejudiced than the people of Ohio; and, secondly, whether they will approve such an oppressive measure as that in contemplation, as

above mentioned.

ENGLISH OPINIONS OF THE COLONIZATION
SOCIETY.

"The notion held out in favor of the bill was, that it was to allay discontents.-And the chairman of the committee of ways and means had delivered a very pathetic and very eloquent euloThe attempt of Elliott Cresson, to enlist the gium upon fear. Mr. A. had listened to it with people of Great Britain in the cause of African great delight, but as he knew that gentleman to Colonization, by representing the society, organbe an accomplished classic scholar, he would venture to remind him that there were other virtues ized in this country for the promotion of that obbesides fear, suitable for the exercise of a patriot ject, as an Anti-Slavery Institution, has roused a and a statesman, on which as just and eloquent spirit of inquiry relative to its true character and eulogiums might be pronounced. Among these was the virtue of fortitude-a virtue, which he bearing. For a while he was successful in mawas under a solemn conviction that every memking proselytes, and obtaining money; but a pow. ber of this house, and every intelligent citizen of erful re-action has taken place, that will throw this community, would at no distant day be called some insurmountable obstacles in his path. upon to exercise. In commendation of which he would refer the gentleman to a classic authority,

which no one better understood, or was more qua-
lified to appreciate. He alluded to the sentiment
so eloquently expressed by the great Roman poet:
Justum et tenacem propositi virum
Non civium ardor prava jubentium,
Non vultus instantis Tyranni,
Mente quatit solida."

PREJUDICE IN PENNSYLVANIA.

It will also be recollected that a memorial from

certain persons in England, favourable to the Colonization Society, was presented to the Congress of the United States, at its last session. It was also stated that the venerable Clarkson, Wilberforce, and other distinguished English philanthro pists, were friendly to the proceedings of the society. A letter from Clarkson, to Cresson, approving of the establishment of the colony in Africa, &c. was published in the "African Repository," some months since. This letter scouted the idea of depending on such measures, for the abolition of slavery in this country. Yet it was considered objectionable, by many of the advocates of African Emancipation, on that side of the Atlantic, and drew forth the following communica

It is stated that a bill, having for its object the exclusion of colored people, migrating from other States, is before the legislature of Pennsylvania. We cannot, as yet, believe that the lawgivers of that enlightened commonwealth will adopt a measure so cruel in its operations, as this would necessarily be. The statesmen of Pennsylvania, we are inform-tion from James Cropper, of Liverpool, one of the ed, quote the acts of Ohio, and thence conclude that wisdom dictates the pursuit of a course similar to hers.

We shall not, at present, discuss the immorality arising from legislative enactments which the public sentiment generally condemns.-But we will ask the attention of the Pennsylvanians to this important fact, viz. Notwithstanding all that has been said and printed, relative to the laws of Ohio, ||

most active, clear sighted emancipators in Eng. land. We bespeak the attention of the reader to the arguments which he advances.

Liverpool, 10th month 2d, 1832.

MY DEAR FRIEND:

It has caused me deep regret to see thy name amongst those of many long-tried friends of hu manity as supporters of the American Colonization Society. Though I am not surprised that many, under the mask of a voluntary and prosperous

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settlement of free blacks on the coast of Africa- the planters are friendly to the colonization scheme. a measure in which every friend of humanity | But the free people of colour are opposed to this must rejoice-have been led to support a scheme scheme. They have committed no crime, and do the nature and effects of which are of a very dif not like to be transported and to suffer the highest ferent character. penalty of the law next to death.

To whatever extent the United States expatriate their cotton cultivators they destroy one of the chief sinews of their own prosperity, and increase the temptation to other states to renew the slave trade by fresh importations. The whole revenue of the United States, for fully thirty years to come,

In judging of this scheme we ought never to lose sight of two facts with respect to the enslaved Africans in the United States, in which the enormities of that free country have exceeded those of any other. The first is, the slaves are regularly bred for sale. The second, that in many of the States the laws affecting free blacks are of so violent-would be required to purchase the slaves and to ly persecuting a character as to compel those who obtain their liberty to leave those States. From the former of these causes, instances must often occur (from the state of morals in slave countries) of fathers selling their own children!! From the latter has originated the Colonization Society; it arose out of these prejudices against colour, and is a direct attempt to extend the same principle to transportation.

Why are slave-holders so anxious to send away free people of colour? Because their slave institutions would be endangered by the competition of respectable free black labourers; and they dread still more their education and advancement in science. If they were desirous to serve the free blacks they would instruct them at home, (not a few of them, but every one that they send,) and not send them in ignorance to a barbarous country.

transport them and the free blacks to Africa. Such an idea as the extinction of slavery by means of the Colonization Society can never have been seriously contemplated. No! perpetuation, and not extinction of slavery, is its object!

The first command ever given to man was, "Be fruitful and multiply." Who can doubt that it is for his interest to obey this and every other command of God? but in no case is it so manifest as when in a state of slavery. The value of men, as of every other commodity, is governed by their plenty or scarcity; where they are so abundant that parishes are willing to pay the expenses of emigration to get rid of them, there must be an end of slavery. Every increase of numbers tends, whilst it is a proof of better treatment, to promote the mitigation and final extinction of slavery; and it must be admitted that the Americans evince this proof of good treatinent.

The slaves in the United States have rapidly in.

the cause of humanity. It is estimated that they have increased since 1808, (the time of both our and their abolition of the slave trade,) from 1,130,000 to 2,010,000; and they have more than trebled the growth of cotton since the peace in 1814, and have reduced its price to one-third of what it was then, though the Brazils, with all their slave trading, have only added one fourth part to their growth of cotton in the same time.Hence it is plain, that if there has been any increase in the cotton cultivators of Brazils, few or no slaves can have been imported for its cultivation. May we not then say that the increase of the slave population of the United States has done more than all our enormous expenditure for the suppression of the African slave trade?

To this real scheme of transporting the people of colour a professed one is attached, for the ulti-creased, and this increase has been beneficial to mate extinction of slavery, by the transportation of the whole black population to the coast of Africa; and we are gravely told that one hundred thousand slaves are ready to be given up, if means can be found of sending them to Africa! A most extraordinary statement, and one for which I believe there is no foundation, in either fact or probability. Can it be believed that the slave-holders of the United States are ready to give up their property, worth at least FIVE MILLIONS STERLING? a liberality unheard of since the foundation of the world. In all the rest of the United States, enough to pay the expense of their emigration cannot be raised, and hence it is sought for in England. If there was any truth in this wonderful statement, we must all of us have been sadly deceived about the debasing effects of slave-holding on the minds of those engaged in it. No other occupation ever produced such extraordinary liberality.

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It cannot but be interesting to thee to know what would have been the effect of a similar increase in the English West Indian slaves. Had It would be interesting to know to what class they increased in the same proportion as those of these men belong. Is it the practice of selling the United States (since the abolition of the slave their own children which has produced this extra-trade) their numbers would have been 728,317 ordinary effect? Or are these men among the more than they now are, which, if employed in slave-buyers, who purchase them for no other pur- the cultivation of sugar, would have been sufficient pose than to give them their freedom as soon as to have produced an increase of 240,000 tons anthe means of sending them to Liberia can be|nually, whilst all the slave trading of the Brazils found? Is it not strange indeed, that any man can be bold enough to make assertions so obviously at variance with truth.

and Cuba and the French colonies have only added 115,000 tons to their growth. Such an increase of sugar would have greatly reduced its price, and consequently the price of slaves, and thereby have destroyed the slave trade for the growth of sugar, as it has long since extinguished that for the cultivation of indigo, and more recent

To whatever extent this transportation of slaves was carried, the slave-holders know that the price of those slaves which remained would be enhanced, and their condition embittered, by the removal of all hopes of liberty, so precious to the human soul.ly for the growth of cotton. The free coloured people being kept few and poor, The disguise is now removing, and the real will be prevented from rising, by fair competition, tendency of the society is becoming apparent. A to the equal rank and honour to which that com- bill was reported to the House of Delegates of Virpetition naturally conducts, when not marred inginia for sending the free blacks away by force; its progress by some such scheme as the American but though this compulsory clause was rejected, Colonization Society. No wonder that with the it is added that several other motions were made, exception of some who do not understand the plan, || and decided by majorities which amply proved

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