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The pattern of salvation must be worked out by all for all.
The light at the end of the tunnel is dim, but our path seems to grow brighter as we actually begin our journey. We cannot yet light the way to the end. However, we hope the suggestions of my Government will be illuminating.
Let us keep in mind the exhortation of Abraham Lincoln, whose words, uttered at a moment of shattering national peril, form a complete text for our deliberation. I quote; paraphrasing slightly:
“We cannot escape history. We of this meeting will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we are passing will light us down in honor or dishonor to the latest generation.
"We say we are for Peace. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save Peace. The world knows that we do. We, even we here, hold the power and have the responsibility.
"We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last, best hope of earth. The
way is plain, peaceful, generous, just—a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud.”
My thanks for your attention.
Baruch, United States Representative, to the
Atomic Energy Commission
8 My Fellow MemBERS OF THE ATOMIC ENERGY COMMISSION: :
The primary responsibility for originating a system to protect the world against the atomic bomb has been placed squarely in our hands. Regardless of discussions elsewhere, the Atomic Energy Commission cannot escape its duty. Our task came to us from three high sources first, the meeting in Washington, November a year ago, of the chiefs of state of the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom; second, the meeting of the foreign ministers of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union, in Moscow last December; third, the definitive resolution of the General Assembly in London last January
I note that the debates on disarmament in the General Assembly have followed closely the proposals laid down by the United States on June 14, before this body. It remains, however, the responsibility of this Commission to submit definite plans to the Security Council. It is to that business I address myself. I entreat all to join in the enterprise so that we may show speed, as well as vision, in our assignment.
The stakes are greater than ever before offered mankind-peace and security. For who can doubt, if we succeed in controlling the atomic weapon, that we can go on to the control of other instruments of mass destruction? The elimination of war itself is within the range of possibility. I repeat: “The man who learns to say 'A' can learn, if he chooses, the rest of the alphabet, too."
But we must make a beginning. Let us delay no longer. The awakened conscience of humanity is our goad. In all my life, now past the biblical allotment of three score and ten years, never before have I seen so rich an opportunity for deathless service as is presented to us here. I want my country associated with victory in this great crusade.
For myself, as I look upon a long past and too short a future, I believe the finest epitaph would be—“He helped to bring lasting peace to the world.”
But we must have whole-hearted and not half-way measures. The world is not to be fooled by lip service. The world will resent and reject deception. We must march together in the bonds of a high resolve. We dare not wait too long.
I do not intend, at this time, to debate the plan that we are about to offer here, in broad outline. I shall content myself with comments as to the imperative necessity for speed.
I beg you to remember that to delay may be to die. I beg you to believe that the United States seeks no special advantage. I beg you to hold fast to the principle of seeking the good of all, and not the advantage of one.
We believe that the original proposals of the United States, made on June 14th, were generous and just. Through the acid test of deliberation and debate, before this Commission and before the public opinion of the world, they have been proven so. In the long and protracted series of 70-odd meetings of this Commission and its various committees, studying all phases of the subject, we have found inherent and inevitable in any treaty that is to be written, covering this subject, three major elements :
1. The erection of an international authority which shall effectively prevent the manufacture and use of atomic bombs for war purposes, and which shall develop the use of atomic energy for social gain.
2. The right of free and full international inspection in support of these purposes.
3. The definite agreement that once a treaty becomes effective, providing for deterrents against offenses and punishments for offenders, there can be no veto to protect willful violators, or to hamper the operations of the international authority.
However much one may seek to escape from these primaries, always the discussion, no matter where held, has come back to them. We have heard words that sometimes seemed to be steering us away from our goal, only later to hear others that led us back toward it.
The outline here presented is the bone and the sinew of any effective international control that may be that shall be that must be established if the civilized world is not to be ended; if the peoples are to live in security instead of being paralyzed by fear.
Time is two-edged. It not only forces us nearer to our doom, if we do not save ourselves, but, even more horrendous, it habituates us to existing conditions which, by familiarity, seem less and less threatening
Once our minds have been conditioned to that sort of thinking, the keen edge of danger is blunted, and we are no longer able to see the dark chasm on the brink of which we stand.
Action at this time may well change hope to confidence. How can it profit any of us to avoid the issue, unless by so doing, we seek a special advantage; unless a chaos of fear will help particular ambitions ?
Let us assume a report of the nature described in the American proposals is placed before the Security Council, together with such additions thereto as this body may desire. In it there will not be found a derogation of the dignity or might of any nation. On the contrary, the plan will build up, in all the world, a new and greater strength and dignity based on the faith that at last security is in sight; that at last men can walk erect again, no longer bent over by the numbing fear the atom bomb strikes into their hearts.
The price we have set upon the surrender of the absolute weapon is a declaration of peaceful intent and of interdependence among the nations of the world, expressed in terms of faith and given strength by sanctions-punishments to be meted out by concerted action against wilful offenders. That is one of the great principles of the United Nations-justice for all, supported by force. But there can be no unilateral disarmament by which America gives up the bomb, to no result except our own weakening. That shall never be.
It is for us to accept, or to reject—if we dare, this doctrine of salvation. It springs from stark necessity, and that is inexorable. My country, first to lay down a plan of cooperative control, welcomes the support of those countries which have already indicated their affirmative positions. We hope for the adherence of all.
We seek especially the participation of the Soviet Union. We welcome the recent authoritative statements of its highest representatives. From these, we are justified in concluding that it no longer regards the original American proposals unacceptable, as a whole or in their separate parts, as its member of this body stated at an earlier meeting.
I repeat—we welcome cooperation but we stand upon our basic principles even if we stand alone. We shall not be satisfied with pious protestations lulling the peoples into a false sense of security. We aim at an effective plan of control and will not accept anything else.
The time for action is here. Each of us perceives clearly what must be done. We may differ as to detail. We are in accord as to purpose. To the achievement of that purpose, I present a program in the form of resolutions, which have been placed before you.
I do not ask you to discuss or vote on these proposals at this time. They are now presented for your study and consideration. But I do ask the Chairman to call a meeting of this Commission, as early as convenient, to debate, if necessary, and to act upon the findings and recommendations contained in these resolutions, so that the position each nation takes on them may be recorded in this Commission's report which must be drafted by December 20, and presented to the Security Council by December 31.
I shall now read these resolutions,
9. Address by the Honorable Bernard M. Baruch, United States Representative, to the
Atomic Energy Commission
Speaking for the United States, I propose to move the adoption of the Resolutions submitted to this body on Thursday, December 5. But before I do so, I would like to say a few words.
First of all, I should like to express, for each of us, our thanks to Mr. Alexandre Parodi, our retiring Chairman, and to his associate, Mr. François de Rose, who presided over the informal conversations, for their distinguished work. Also, I welcome Dr. Manuel SandovalVallarta, who brings his unusual talents to the chair for the current month.
Now I respectfully urge two claims upon your attention: The first is, to adopt and proclaim these basic principles, that have forced themselves upon us from the work on which we are engaged. The second is, to proceed to do it now. The time has come to match our words with action.
Our course is not wholly in the field of free choice. We are under compulsions placed upon us by the General Assembly. The great and solemn debate held by that body on disarmament was closed last Saturday night, with an expression of unanimous support by all the nations represented. It is a declaration that may be that should be—that must be high in historical importance because of its effect upon all the peoples of all the world now, and in the days to come.
A new spirit has come into being. It is our privilege and duty to give flesh to that spirit. The injunction has been laid upon the Atomic Energy Commission to proceed expeditiously to the development of a formula of action. It is with that thought in mind that I requested the Chairman of this group to call us together.
Let me point out to you that in placing these Resolutions before you, our sole purpose is to develop, in broad outline, the vital principles on which we are to proceed. The Commission itself should pass upon and decide these vital matters.
Passage of these Resolutions by the Commission would be, in effect, an instruction to Committee No. 2 to include the findings and recommendations which we approve, with such others as Committee No. 2