As to the form of amendment, I would like to make a little statement about that. Any draft of a constitutional amendment to protect American rights (State and individual) against the dangers of "treaty law" and executive agreements should embody the following purposes and objectives: 1. Remove any possible doubt that a treaty or executive agreement to be valid as domestic law must be consistent with the Constitution and not in conflict with it. Give unequivocal constitutional effect to judicial dicta not yet incorporated in binding decisions, to the effect that Congress cannot, by legislation, enlarge the Federal jurisdiction, nor can it be enlarged under the treatymaking power," and that no provision of a treaty which violates the Constitution or which is inconsistent with the nature of the Government of the United States or of the relation between the States and the United States, shall be valid. New Orleans v. United States (10 Pet. 662, 736); The Cherokee Tobacco (11 Wall. 616, 620-1); Holden v. Joy (17 Wall. 211, 243); DeGeofroy v. Riggs (133 U. S. 258, 267); and see Asakura v. Seattle (265 U. S. 332, 341). Any inferences drawn by some persons from Missouri v. Holland (252 U. S. 416), and U. S. v. Curtiss-Wright Corporation (299 U. S. 304, 316–319), that the treaty power is unlimited in any field, regardless of the Constitution, should be unqualifiedly negatived by such amendment, and any doubt on this score be forever set at rest. See also United States v. Pink (315 U. S. 203, 233-4). 2. The amendment should prevent a treaty or executive agreement from becoming internal law in the United States by force of its selfexecuting terms. The amendment should make all treaties non-selfexecuting so far as domestic law is concerned until implementing legislation has been passed. The amendment should remove the doubt as to whether a treaty is self-executing or non-self-executing from the realm of judicial speculation and make the internal effectiveness of the treaty within the United States depend exclusively on implementing legislation. As has already been pointed out in this connection, in almost every important country of the world except the United States, each country is free to decide when and to what extent it wishes to implement a treaty by the passage of legislation even though such signatory State has agreed generally to enact such legislation. (Report, peace and law committee, September 1950, pp. 9 to 12.) The United States is the only important country that faces the peculiar legal situation, except possibly France and Mexico-that is sometimes used against us, if I may say so, but France is not a federal republic like we are. France has no bill of rights like we have, and neither has Mexico. So I merely point that out. As I say, upon examination, they are not true exceptions, but when a treaty is ratified by our constitutional process by the President with the consent of the Senate, its provisions automatically becomes a part of the supreme law of the land. Hence, in the United States when an international agreement like the United Nations Charter, or the genocide convention or the covenant on human rights, is ratified as a treaty, it may supersede every city ordinance, every county ordinance, every State law, every State constitution, and every Federal statute on the same subject and under the logical result of the Holmes doctrine in Missouri against Holland, it may enlarge and amend the Constitution of the United States. 3. The amendment should limit the language of the decision of Missouri against Holland, supra, by making it clear that in legislating in respect of treaties, Congress shall have no power which it does not already have under the Constitution, apart from its power to carry treaties into effect under the "necessary and proper clause" of the Constitution art. I, sec. 8). The amendment should take care of the broad language in U. S. v. Curtiss-Wright Corporation, supra (299 U. S. 304), where the language of the Court espouses the theory of unrestricted inherent Federal power in the field of international relations. 4. The amendment should make it inescapably clear that the limitations on Congress in the first amendment that "Congress shall make no law" cannot be escaped by use of the treatymaking power or by executive agreement under the claim that the President and Senate are a separate agency for treatymaking and are not subject to constitutional limitations on Congress. (See report of committee on peace and law, September 1, 1950, pp. 40-41.) Some critics say that any amendment accomplishing the foregoing purposes and objectives would prevent the proper exercise of the treatymaking power in the international field-that such an amendment would abridge the power of the United States to make treaties of commerce, of navigation and of friendship and the power to make many other traditional types of treaties. This argument is fully disposed of in the February 1952 report of the committee on peace and law, pages 14 to 17, inclusive, and the matter has been dealt with at greater length in an article appearing in the June 1952 issue of the American Bar Association Journal by Dr. George A. Finch, an eminent authority on treaties and the editor of the American Journal of International Law. Several different drafts of amendments have been proposed but for simplicity and directness of language I believe this text now recommended by the American Bar Association's committee on peace and law best meets the objective of protecting American rights and the American form of government. An increasing number of lay organizations have approved the proposal for such a constitutional amendment. These now include such organizations as the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the Marine Corps League of America, service clubs, and many other organizations. And I would like to introduce the list because it is rather formidable. I would like to now introduce a list of organizations that officially support the constitutional amendment. The CHAIRMAN. Very well. (The list referred to is as follows:) ASSOCIATIONS AND ORGANIZATIONS OFFICIALLY SUPPORTING THE PROPOSAL FOR A CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT ON TREATIES AND EXECUTIVE AGREEMENTS The American Bar Association: The following State Bar associations have officially adopted resolutions favoring a constitutional amendment on treaty law: Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Indiana, Iowa, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, North Dakota, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Washington National Association of Attorneys General-This is highly significant because this association represents the chiefs of the legal departments of each of the 48 States The following State legislatures have passed resolutions favoring a constitutional amendment on treaty law: California, Colorado, Georgia, Wyoming. American Legion American Legion Department of California Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States The Catholic War Veterans (Post No. 975) Marine Corps League Kiwanis International American Farm Bureau Federation California Farm Bureau Federation Pennsylvania State Grange National Society of the Sons of the American Revolution National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution National Association of Pro America American Council of Christian Churches National Society for Constitutional Security Minnesota Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs, Inc New York City Federation of Women's Clubs National Economic Council, Inc. American Flag Committee Constitutional Foundation, Inc. Women's National Patriotic Conference on National Defense, representing the following women's organizations throughout the United States: American Gold Star Sisters, Inc. American War Mothers American Women's Legion of World Wars Auxiliary to Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War Blue Star Mothers of America Dames of the Loyal Legion of the United States of America Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War (1861-1865), Inc. Guardians of Our American Heritage Ladies of the Grand Army of the Republic Marine Corps League Auxiliary National Society for Constitutional Security National Society, Daughters of the Revolution National Society, Daughters of the Union 1861-1865, Inc. National Society of New England Women National Society, Patriotic Women of America, Inc. National Society, Service Star Legion, Inc. National Society, Women Descendants of the Ancient and Honorable National Woman's Relief Corps Auxiliary to the Grand Army of the National Yeoman F Navy Club, U. S. A. Auxiliary Navy Mothers Club of America New York City Colony, National Society of New England Women Society of Sponsors of the U. S. Navy The National Gold Star Mothers, Inc. The Wheel of Progress United States Army Mothers Women of the Army and Navy Legion of Valor of the U. S. A. Many other merely local organizations throughout the United States have also endorsed the proposal for a constitutional amendment. THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES Though it has not passed a formal resolution for a constitutional amendment, the Chamber of Commerce of the United States first through a special committee appointed to study the subject, then through its standing committee on policy, then by its whole body of delegates at its annual meeting in April of last year in simple and easily understandable language adopted the following policy with respect to the processes of making international agreements and with respect to the effect on domestic law of such agreements: A. No provision of a treaty or of an executive agreement that alters or abridges the Constitution of the United States shall become effective unless such alteration or change is embodied in a constitutional amendment adopted and ratified in the manner provided in that Constitution for its amendment. B. No provision of a treaty or of an executive agreement that alters or abridges the rights protected by the laws of the United States or the Constitution or laws of the several States shall become effective unless and then only to the extent that Congress shall so provide. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS The National Association of Manufacturers has officially adopted a declaration of policy similar to that adopted by the United States Chamber of Commerce. Mr. HOLMAN. This movement, if I may say so, is now a matter of interest not merely to lawyers but to great organizations like the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the Marine Corps League of America, service clubs and many organizations as shown on the list introduced. There is a widespread national interest in the matter, calling for early action by the Congress. I believe the foregoing text is best because in simple and understandable language, without unduly restricting treaty-making power, it meets the following minimum requirements to protect American rights (State and individual) against treaties and executive agreements for it clearly provides 1. That no provision of a treaty which conflicts with a provision of the Constitution of the United States is valid. 2. That no treaty is effective until implemented by legislation. (This merely puts the United States on a par with other nations as to the initial effect of a treaty.) 3. That no legislation shall be valid if contrary to or in excess of the powers delegated to the Congress by the Constitution. 4. That executive agreements shall be subject to regulation by the Congress and to the limitations imposed on treaties. In my opinion, a constitutional amendment along the foregoing lines is necessary to protect American rights and to preserve the American form of government. I believe it will have the support of a large majority of Americans and in due course will receive the approval of the necessary three-fourths of the States. Now, I prepared, Senator Bricker, a comment on your text. I dictated that early this morning. I would like to put that in and just comment on it at the moment. I have indicated the broad line that I think the amendment should cover. This is a separate memorandum in re Senate Joint Resolution 1. I will first quote you Senate Joint Resolution 1 so it is before you conveniently, so you don't have to have it on a separate sheet: SECTION 1. A provision of a treaty which denies or abridges any right enumerated in this Constitution shall not be of any force or effect. SEC. 2. No treaty shall authorize or permit any foreign power or any international organization to supervise, control, or adjudicate rights of citizens of the United States within the United States enumerated in this Constitution or any other matter essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of the United States. SEC. 3. A treaty shall become effective as internal law in the United States only through the enactment of appropriate legislation by the Congress. SEC. 4. All executive or other agreements between the President and any international organization, foreign power, or official thereof, shall be made only in the manner and to the extent to be prescribed by law. Such agreements shall be subject to the limitations imposed on treaties, or the making of treaties, by this article. SEC. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. SEO. 6. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven years from the date of its submission. COMMENTS ON SECTION 1 In my opinion, section 1, in its phrasing, falls short of protecting American rights (State and individual) against the dangers of "treaty law" in merely providing that— A provision of a treaty which denies or abridges any right enumerated in this Constitution shall not be of any force or effect. The language is insufficient to act as a protective constitutional shield against the invasion of many basic rights not enumerated in the Constitution. The Constitution protects many rights not enumerated in that instrument. The ninth amendment, for example, provides that the enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. On this subject and others the Constitution itself protects nonenumerated rights. Also, the 10th amendment protects nonenumerated rights by providing that- the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. One such basic right is the right to determine its law of property. For example, some States have community property, others different laws with respect to the acquisition, ownership, and enjoyment of property, which are not enumerated in the Constitution. The phrasing, in my judgment, fails to take into account the constitutional concepts contained in both the 9th and 10th amendments. The American Bar Association draft does this and therefore would seem preferable. It provides "a provision of a treaty which conflicts with any provision of this Constitution shall not be of any force or effect." This simple provision adequately takes care of those very important rights and powers covered by the 9th and 10th amend ments. Even many of those who are pronounced opponents of any "treaty law" amendment have not quarreled with the language of the first sentence of the American Bar proposal. For the most part our critics have merely said that a constitutional amendment to that particular effect is unnecessary because already any provision of a treaty which actually conflicted with the Constitution would be held invalid by the courts which we of course think is at least sufficiently doubtfulthat the only way to be sure of it, is to have a protective constitutional amendment that will make it sure for all time. Senator BRICKER. I might say in connection with that that we want a first sentence all-inclusive of all rights observed by American people, whether observed or granted or what not. Mr. HOLMAN. Don't misunderstand me. We agree with your objective and you agree with ours. I think it would be helpful. Senator BRICKER. I think it is. Mr. HOLMAN. That instead of having loose talk by we people in the American Bar, if I just put it down. This is not the American Bar. This is just Frank Holman. |