one of vain words. And, happily, the existence of the Morning Advertiser serves to keep in check what would otherwise go on unrestrainedly in some other quarters.

de

Nothing has illustrated this more than the case of the Corporation of London. Cliquism has been able to misguide the public and to distort the facts, till the whole question has become habitually looked at in false lights, and hardly a man has dared to stand up and sustain the truth. There is now a great end of cliquism to be gained. Next session, the Public Health Act, the Poor Law Act, and the Metropolitan Sewers Act, all expire. These, and other like matters, must come before Parliament. Functionarism is busy in getting up panics, and in nourishing prejudices, and in manufacturing Reports, so as to secure, if possible, the making permanent of the central Boards and vices that depend on those measures. While the Corporation of London is in the way, Centrilization can never completely triumph. Therefore it was necessary to set every engine on foot to pervert and mislead the public mind as to the nature and working of that Corporation. The attempt would have been without a check, had not the columns of the Morning Advertiser been open to free discussion and inquiry on the subject. The true state of the case has thus been able to be brought under public attention. The boldest of the misstatements have been proved flatly false; while the actual existing mischiefs have been impartially laid open, and the true working of the system, apart from those easily remediable mischiefs, has been illustrated.

I have shown the character of the Commission of Inquiry itself. I have shown how flagrant a violation of common honesty and common decency has been the mode of proceeding under it. I have shown how a genuine inquiry might have been made. I have shown distinctly wherein lie the true fact and source of the defects in the existing working of the Corporation. I have, also, pointed to the remedy. St. Thomas's day is at hand. Let us see whether the citizens of London will show themselves inclined to assert their own self-respect; or whether they will remain content to be the mere tools and victims of bureaucratic purposes; content to prove themselves incapable of appreciating designs made from similar motives, and disguised under similar pretexts, as those which Russia is making upon Turkey,—and which latter the pretended objects of a patronising solicitude (but really its intended victims) rightly appreciate.

What municipal institutions will accomplish, even where defects of working have grown up, the Corporation of London affords striking proof.

How the Corporation of London maintained the liberties of Englishmen in the last century I have shown. I might point to a long list of proofs of what the present city owes to the activity of the Corporation in what concerns its internal physical arrangements. It is the Corporation of London that has perseveringly carried out a system of sewerage that is the most

complete and most perfect in the world. It is the Cerporation of London that has built and arranged a prison which evidence, hostilely brought up, declares to be a model for the whole country. It is the Corporation of London that pulled down the old and built new London-bridge; and has since made the great improvements in the approaches to it which the very names of King William-street, Princes-street, Moorgate-street, and others, exist to testify; as Farringdon-street, Skinner-street, Cannon-street, &c., &c., do of its activity in other quarters.

The Corporation of London did away with a market that wares were trafficked in, to build on its site, and to maintain,the City of London school. Other schools it has also founded and supported; and numberless other important public works it has done and is doing. All these things its traducers find it convenient to be silent on; but every honest man will recognise them as living proofs of the inherent vitality of the institution, whatever defects the inroads of the clique system may have drawn with it. Let it be the work of the citizens, not, under the pretence of having a paternal remedy provided for them, to let in wholesale cliquism, to the destruction of every true element of a municipal institution. Let them, on the contrary, set themselves carefully to weed out what of cliquism has already crept in, and to restore and adapt the true principles and practice of the constitution of the Corporation of London, in their original and vigorous vitality, to the conditions of our time.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, Highgate, Dec. 17, 1853.

TOULMIN SMITH.

P.S. I cannot close without calling attention to a fine illustration of the "Evidence" given before this illegal Commission, which has been published since my last letter was written. A stock-broker told the Commissioners, a few days ago, how ridiculous and offensive it is to require men so "respectable" as stockbrokers to submit to carry a medal, or to enter into bonds to the Corporation. The stockbrokers decidedly object to such a check. Other classes of men also very likely object to checks that the public protection requires. On the 14th of this month, however, a case was tried in the Court of Queen's Bench, in which the Corporation of London were plaintiffs on one of these very broker's bonds. The verdict was given in their favour. And Lord Campbell made, on this occasion, the following remarks,-which the attackers of the Corporation will do well to digest:

"The case," he said, "was one of the greatest importance, and the Lord Mayor and aldermen of this great commercial city had acted rightly in exacting from brokers a bond for the proper discharge of their duties, and in directing the investigation of the case now before the Court; for undoubtedly much of the business transactions of the country was in the hands of brokers, and it was of the last importance that they should act with good faith between parties; and it was most important, in order to ensure protection to those employing them, that they should be placed under proper control. Bonds for good conduct were therefore required of them, and by such bonds they were bound not to exact more than their just commission for brokerage. The Lord Mayor and aldermen had, therefore, well exercised their jurisdiction for the public security."

It is unfortunate that Lord Campbell should differ from the brokers in his opinion on this matter.-T. S.

Wardmote, forming a large proportion of the

the whole), views with deep interest the in-Kisk

h reference to the Corporation of the City of t such inquiry, joined to the efforts of the ad to a great improvement in the management may be restored to what it once was, and ought d and efficient municipal local self-government he country.

he opinion of this Wardmote it is the first duty acilmen this day elected for this ward, to use the immediate repeal of the private Act 11, ssed in 1725, by which the right and practice s within the City of London, to take part in ntatives, and of officers of the Corporation were that right and practice are now restricted to an

the opinion of this Wardmote all encroachments nstitutions are dangerous to the liberties and and this Wardmote pledges itself to support all of Common Council, to perfect and strengthen e City of London, as an institution of true and rnment.

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Nothing has illustrated thi the Corporation of London. ( to misguide the public and to whole question has become hab lights, and hardly a man has sustain the truth. There is cliquism to be gained. Next ses Act, the Poor Law Act, and t Act, all expire. These, and o come before Parliament. Fu getting up panics, and in nouri manufacturing Reports, so as to making permanent of the cent that depend on those measures tion of London is in the way, ( completely triumph. Therefor set every engine on foot to public mind as to the nature ar poration. The attempt would check, had not the columns of t been open to free discussion and The true state of the case ha brought under public attentio misstatements have been proved actual existing mischiefs have open, and the true working from those easily remediable m trated.

I have shown the character Inquiry itself. I have shown! of common honesty and commo mode of proceeding under it. genuine inquiry might have shown distinctly wherein lie tl of the defects in the existing w tion. I have, also, pointed Thomas's day is at hand. Le citizens of London will show assert their own self-respect; remain content to be the mer bureaucratic purposes; content incapable of appreciating desig motives, and disguised under si which Russia is making upon latter the pretended objects of: (but really its intended victims)

What municipal institutions where defects of working have; ration of London affords strikin

How the Corporation of L liberties of Englishmen in th shown. I might point to a long the present city owes to the acti in what concerns its internal It is the Corporation of London carried out a system of se