THE following correspondence passed, more than two years ago, between the founder of the Anti-Centralization Union and one of the principal founders of the Administrative Reform Association. It af fords a most striking illustration of the difference between efforts and action founded on Principle, and those which are merely empirical. The failure of the Administrative Reform Association was here foretold before it began its existence to the world. Every step of its course did but realize these predictions. Though it began with great pretensions, unlimited funds, the most powerful external support, and a great following, it has effected nothing, and has finally collapsed,--because it had not courage to see or skill to grapple with "the cause of the evil." The Anti-Centralization Union, modest from the first in its pretensions, and never having sued for external support, or sought agitation or a loud following, has already, by simple earnestness of purpose, effected much; and still exists in all its vitality, and with the consciousness of past success to encourage it in future efforts.

August, 1857.

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3

کاور

--

In the last Session of Parli introduced, under the name o tutes Bill." It proposed to re and without the slightest rea wards of a hundred acts of these Acts might be good, or This at least is certain :-t her coronation, swore to obs them, unless altered by the c the people. That common c expressed by the nature of e plained, the reasons for alte it being stated,-and disc thereupon. Not one of thes any one of the Acts mention was utterly unnoticed by t known to the public. It was thro' both Houses of Parlia acts repealed are many good rest, is one of the acts for p of Parliament,-one of the v has agitated our own day, volved the most important tions. It was convenient the Statute Book thus, by a man was found in Parliame

The public is not aware 1
which that most flagrant at
tutions-the Police Act-1
same session, was by a direc
of the proposition that a p
should be paid out of the
Such is the fact. It is eq
all parties. Government
Their aim has, for some
as many things as they car
funds; because they are th
a pretext for interference.
nothing that has so fully c
ebb to which political kno
England, as this disgracefi
Police Act of 1856.

In the same happy and
triotic parliament of 656
find a single man in it, wi
the courage to protest aga
single protest would have
bargaining away of the ri
ers, (including those of the
we hereby give them no
"New Parishes Act."
space, now, to explain the
strous Act. It is sufficien
knows any thing of th
constitution, it is most
who values the rig
most alarming.

It

118

2

Though no copy of this Circular has been sent to me, yet the subject of it, and the circumstances which call for it, being matters to which I have for several years given closer attention than any man in England, you will perhaps allow me to offer a remark or two upon the proposed movement. I enclose you a copy of a paper which I prepared and circulated about ten weeks ago on this subject.*

The whole question now is, whether the proposed movement will be made in a really hearty and earnest spirit, with the determination to grapple with the backbone of the Hydra; or whether it will only be an attempt-under a cloud of dust-to cut off one set of heads, in place of which another set shall forthwith grow. The root of the evil lies far deeper than one of persons. The Whig System has, in fact, gradually produced a complete revolutionizing of Parliamentary action: that is at the bottom of the whole mischief. This I have shown at length elsewhere; and have, long before present events, expressly foretold what the results must be. The very best men are made utterly helpless by this system; and unless you go as deep as this, the result can be no other than merely delusive. I should be glad of the opportunity of more fully explaining this point to you in some of its practical bearings, as it is the one on the thorough comprehension of which any practical result of this movement must depend. Now, Parliament, instead of being the Inquest of the Nation, is reduced to be little more than the Registrar of the orders of unseen controlling powers, who really have all the levers of government and legislation, superior alike to Parliament and the nominal Executive. On the other hand, the people have been taught to believe in the omnipotence of Parliament— thus, really, playing into the hands of the unseen levers. Some men call what they see of the results of this system "red-tapism;" some Bureaucracy;"-not well understanding that of which they speak. I have long traced its action, and foreseen and foretold present results; and, wishing hearty success to your movement, would only desire that it shall not be seen losing itself, by touching mere symptoms instead of laying its hand on causes and grappling with them.

Things, though very bad, are not yet too far gone for remedy. Of course I know nothing of your proposed course of action, though I presume that the taking means to make the facts understood and be discussed by the nation, is your primary intention. I propose to attend on Saturday if it can be done without ticket. If the latter is needed, perhaps you will do me the favour to let me have one.

the

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of

"Re Churit of

the red len

(Septe 1857)

My dear Sir,

I quite agree with you that to effect permanent good we must eventually go to the cause of the evil. Whether a sufficient number of our fellow-sufferers are however quite as advanced in opinion as ourselves, the movement we have just now originated can only decide. It was but the other day, remember, that Marylebone took a Lord-simply because he was one.

We must rouse the people, if we can, from their present idolatry of a class-do that, and all else will follow; but it is a heavy task that we have before us, and we must be moderate as well as firm to have even a chance of success.

I send you a card for our private room, but I cannot ask you to speak, because this meeting must be devoted to "drawing out" that particular class that can help us the most in name, connection, and funds, throughout the country.

Thanks for your pamphlet ; I shall read it, as I read all your productions, with much interest. Yours very truly,

Toulmin Smith, Esq.

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J. I. TRAVERS.

Highgate, 4 May, 1855.

er

My dear Sir,

As I shall probably not have any opportunity of speaking with you tomorrow (though I shall avail myself of your ticket), I write a line in reference to yours of yesterday.

It is

You are unquestionably right in saying that, tomorrow, men must be "drawn out." But let me,-speaking from wide communications with all parts of the country, say this, with all earnestness :-The public will not place confidence in this movement merely because of "names and "connection." Wherein does this differ from that contemptible Lord-worship which you so justly characterize? Not at all. looked on with the greatest mistrust. The public will only, now, give confidence if they see that men who have done something and sacrificed something, for the Principles involved, have banded themselves together;-sinking small differences ;-and, having agreed on certain fundamental points, following up these with the quiet firmness of true men. Taken up in this spirit, the undertaking will thrive; and the people will be more easily roused than you are aware of. The people seem apathetic now because they are better able to see through shams and humbug than heretofore. But there is, through the country, a chord which truth and earnestness can touch, beyond the estimation of most London men; used, as the latter are, to the unsound and unwholesome state and means of public expression in the Metropolis. Yours very truly,

J. I. Travers, Esq.

TOULMIN SMITH.

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In the last Session of Parl introduced, under the name c tutes Bill." It proposed to r and without the slightest rea wards of a hundred acts of these Acts might be good, or This at least is certain :her coronation, swore to obs them, unless altered by the c the people. That common c expressed by the nature of è plained, the reasons for alt it being stated,-and disc thereupon. Not one of thes any one of the Acts mention was utterly unnoticed by t known to the public. It was thro' both Houses of Parlia acts repealed are many good rest, is one of the acts for p of Parliament,-one of the has agitated our own day, volved the most important tions. It was convenient the Statute Book thus, by a man was found in Parliame

Every one must see that advised the Crown to conse Statutes Act," was the del breach of the Coronation C

The public is not aware which that most flagrant at tutions-the Police Actsame session, was by a direc of the proposition that a F should be paid out of th Such is the fact. It is ec all parties. Government Their aim has, for some as many things as they ca funds; because they are th a pretext for interference. nothing that has so fully ebb to which political kno England, as this disgracef Police Act of 1856.

In the same happy and triotic parliament of 656 find a single man in it, w the courage to protest ag single protest would have bargaining away of the ri ers, (including those of the we hereby give them no "New Parishes Act." It space, now, to explain the strous Act. It is sufficier

knows any thing of the
constitution, it is m
who values the

most alarming.

THE LIFE OF PARISHES.

In a paper in our last number, on "The Bible in Churches," we showed how real was the social bond which formerly united the inhabitants of every parish into a sense and the reality of a common fellowship among one another. We hold, that one of the greatest errors of the statesmanship-or rather the want of this-in our own day, is, if not the perpetual attempt to detach men from this sense and reality of fellowship, at least the leaving these uncherished, and letting them be habitually and recklessly invaded. Instead of the "progress" of modern times being marked by the more well-applied genial influences of men in their neighbourly social relations, the great characteristic is, the growth of individual selfishness; and what is so boasted of as advanced civilization, is, in fact, little other than an exhibition of curbed anarchy. There is not the consciousness of and attachment to habitually cherished Institutions, making men practical Christians, and preserving alike the fact of freedom and the presence of a moral tone. There is a struggle for individual aggrandizement, and a general heedlessness and neglect of the claims which every man's neighbourhood has upon him for time, thought, and effort.

It will, then, be doing some service to those who would see the "Church of the People" a fact, if we give other illustrations, besides that of the Bible in Churches, of the former practical state of things in these respects. Fortunately, the means of doing this are abundant, though they are not very familiar. In a recent work on "the Parish," a notice of which appeared in a late number of the present publication, the most valuable of these means of illustration is, we are glad to see, often referred to and quoted. It is, strangely enough, the first time that this has ever been done in any work on this important and interesting subject.

We allude now, particularly, to a document, more than five centuries old, which contains the record of the proceedings taken by the parishes in the different counties of England, in reference to the taxation of every parish to the national exchequer. At that time, instead of a system of indirect taxation, which supports an army of dependent functionaries, and keeps those who pay quite ignorant of the extent of the contributions they make to the State, the whole taxation was entirely direct. The value of the property in every parish was carefully ascertained, and then the parish was held responsible for the payment of its share. But, in order that no injustice might be done, the assessment once fixed, was open to revision from time to time. The method of doing this was singularly complete and practical, combining security for the interests of every Parish, with checks against any injury to the State. Several examples of the method of this, are given in the first chapter of Mr. Toulmin Smith's "Parish."

The Inquisitiones Nonarum, as the record we have alluded to is called, is one detailed instance of the process that was followed on such occasions of revision. It opens to our view, with the clearness of a picture of yesterday, the habits and life of our fathers, as they went about their business, in their social relations, five hundred years ago. We find the parishes appointing committees to go into the necessary inquiries and make the necessary reports. We find the names of the committee-men; and the reasons given by one and another, why the taxation of this or that parish should vary from what had been theretofore assessed upon it. Numberless incidental matters thus come before the eye, affecting the social well-being of the various parishes; facts of interest to the historian, to the moralist, to the agriculturalist, to the statesman. We find chapels building, and hamlets growing; churches established, and boroughs in full action. We find feudalism as it really was, and not as modern superficial writers always paint it. We find