and municipal regulations of Roumania. Starting from the arbitrary and controvertible premise that the native Jews of Roumania domiciled there for centuries are "aliens not subject to foreign protection,” the ability of the Jew to earn even the scanty means of existence that suffice for a frugal race has been constricted by degrees until nearly every opportunity to win a livelihood is denied, and until the helpless poverty of the Jew has constrained an exodus of such proportions as to cause general concern.

The political disabilities of the Jews in Roumania, their exclusion from the public service and the learned professions, the limitations of their civil rights and the imposition upon them of exceptional taxes, involving as they do wrongs repugnant to the moral sense of liberal modern peoples, are not so directly in point for my present purpose as the public acts which attack the inherent right of man as a breadwinner in the ways of agriculture and trade. The Jews are prohibited from owning land or even from cultivating it as common laborers. They are debarred from residing in the rural districts. Many branches of petty trade and manual production are closed to them in the overcrowded cities where they are forced to dwell and engage, against fearful odds, in the desperate struggle for existence. Even as ordinary artisans or hired laborers they may only find employment in the proportion of one "unprotected alien" to two "Roumanians" under any one employer. In short, by the cumulative effect of successive restrictions, the Jews of Roumania have become reduced to a state of wretched misery. Shut out from nearly every avenue of self-support which is open to the poor of other lands and ground down by poverty as the natural result of their discriminatory treatment, they are rendered incapable of lifting themselves from the enforced degradation they endure. Even were the fields of education, of civil employment, and of commerce open to them as to "Roumanian citizens," their penury would prevent their rising by individual effort. Human so circumstanced have virtually no alternatives but submissive suffering or flight to some land less unfavorable to them. Removal under such conditions is not and can not be the healthy, intelligent emigration of a free and self-reliant being. It must be, in most cases, the mere transplantation of an artificially produced diseased growth to a new place.

Granting that, in better and more healthful surroundings, the morbid conditions will eventually change for good, such emigration is necessarily for a time a burden to the community upon which the fugitives may be cast. Self-reliance and the knowledge and ability that evolve the power of self-support must be developed, and, at the same time, avenues of employment must be opened in quarters where competition is already keen and opportunities scarce. The teachings of history and the experience of our own nation show that the Jews possess in a high degree the mental and moral qualifications of conscientious citizenhood. No class of immigrants is more welcome to our shores, when coming equipped in mind and body for entrance upon the struggle for bread, and inspired with the high purpose to give the best service of heart and brain to the land they adopt of their own free will. But when they come as outcasts, made doubly paupers by physical and moral oppression in their native land, and thrown upon the long-suffering generosity of a more favored community, their migration lacks the essential conditions which make alien immii

gration either acceptable or beneficial. So well is this appreciated on the Continent that even in the countries where anti-Semitism has no foothold it is difficult for these fleeing Jews to obtain any lodgment. America is their only goal.

The United States offers asylum to the oppressed of all lands.

But

its sympathy with them in no wise impairs its just liberty and right to weigh the acts of the oppressor in the light of their effects upon this country and to judge accordingly.

Putting together the facts now painfully brought home to this Government during the past few years, that many of the inhabitants of Roumania are being forced, by artificially adverse discriminations, to quit their native country; that the hospitable asylum offered by this country is almost the only refuge left to them; that they come hither unfitted, by the conditions of their exile, to take part in the new life of this land under circumstances either profitable to themselves or beneficial to the community; and that they are objects of charity from the outset and for a long time-the right of remonstrance against the acts of the Roumanian Government is clearly established in favor of this Government. Whether consciously and of purpose or not, these helpless people, burdened and spurned by their native land, are forced by the sovereign power of Roumania upon the charity of the United States. This Government can not be a tacit party to such an international wrong. It is constrained to protest against the treatment to which the Jews of Roumania are subjected, not alone because it has unimpeachable ground to remonstrate against the resultant injury to itself, but in the name of humanity. The United States may not authoritatively appeal to the stipulations of the treaty of Berlin, to which it was not and can not become a signatory, but it does earnestly appeal to the principles consigned therein because they are the principles of international law and eternal justice, advocating the broad toleration which that solemn compact enjoins and standing ready to lend its moral support to the fulfillment thereof by its cosignatories, for the act of Roumania itself has effectively joined the United States to them as an interested party in this regard.

You will take an early occasion to read this instruction to the minister for foreign affairs and, should he request it, leave with him a copy. I have the honor, etc.,

JOHN HAY.

SENDING OF HUNGARIAN NATIONAL BANNER TO THE UNITED

No. 63.]

STATES.

Mr. Adee to Mr. McCormick.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 3, 1902. SIR: Iinclose herewith copy of a letter from Anthony S. Ambrose, esq., supreme president of the National Slavonic Society of the United States of America, alleging that a delegation of Magyars are on their way to this country with a costly Hungarian national banner, on which are inscribed the words, "Be dauntlessly loyal to your fatherland, oh, Magyars;" that this banner is sent as the gift of the Hungarian National League to Hungarians living in the United States; that the gift was

prompted by the Hungarian Government and partly paid for by official representatives of that Government; and that it is intended to carry this banner through the United States, the object sought being to preserve the Hungarian nationality of Magyars living in the United States. You will say to the Hungarian Government that such a report has reached us, and inquire whether such a flag, so inscribed, has in fact been sent to go on a tour through this country.

I am, etc.,

[Inclosure.]

ALVEY A. ADEE,
Acting Secretary.

Mr. Ambrose to Mr. Hay.

NEW YORK, August 26, 1902.

DEAR SIR: A delegation of Magyars from Hungary is on its way to the United States with the Hungarian national banner to be presented to the Hungarians living in the United States. The banner is the gift of the "Hungarian National League," and it was sent here for the purpose, as the official and unofficial press of Hungary expresses it, "to preserve Magyars living in foreign lands for their native country. Inscribed on it are the words "Be dauntlessly loyal to your fatherland, oh, Magyars!" To defray the expenses connected with the making of the flag, the minister president of Hungary, Kalman Széll, contributed $500. A Government official, a gentleman by the name of Zseny, heads the delegation to the United States, and in New York City another official of the Austro-Hungarian Government, namely, the consulgeneral, Dessewffy, joined with his entire staff the reception committee which is to receive the flag with appropriate honors. A remarkable feature of this is that the flag is not intended for any one in particular, but is presented to all the Hungarians living in the United States, whether naturalized citizens or not. To better accomplish the object for which the flag is being sent here, namely, to preserve the Magyars living in foreign lands," and "to foster in them a love for their fatherland," the flag is to travel from one Hungarian colony to another to give all of them an opportunity to touch its sacred folds. "The Hungarians living in the vicinity of New York,' says the Hungarian newspaper, Magyar Hirmondo, under date of August 14, instant, "will participate in this holy effort with flaming patriotism, unselfish enthusiasm, and this celebrated day [meaning the day of the arrival of the banner in New York City] of the Hungarians of America will be worthy of their name and patriotism." Sir, I myself am a native of Hungary, and I view this adulation of the Hungarian national colors in the United States with a mixed feeling of humiliation and shame. Like all other immigrants from the Old World, the Hungarians came to the United States to stay and to found homes for themselves and children. And if they came here to stay permanently and to cast their fortunes with the rest of the people of the country, what feeling other than that of sentiment can they have for their fatherland after their expatriation? The amalgamation of the Hungarian immigrants living in the industrial centers of the East is slow enough as it is, and now comes this disturbing element to retard it. Sir, I happen to be the president of the National Slavonic Society of the United States of America. This society has a membership of over 13,000, all of whom, with very few exceptions, are natives of Hungary. A clause in the by-laws, and one on which we lay much stress, is "That all members should become citizens as soon as entitled thereto." How can we hope to accomplish much in this direction, and make good American citizens out of my countrymen, if the Hungarian National League, and through it the Hungarian Government, is allowed to meddle with us? Hungarians can not pay homage to two flags-to their own and that of their adopted country-and be loyal to both.

I protest against this insult to my American citizenship. The American flag is good enough for me and it should be good enough for everybody. Under it we have found material prosperity, freedom, and equality. I am a Hungarian Slovak, and there are some 300,000 of my countrymen in the United States. Most of them work in mines and factories in Pennsylvania, Illinois, New Jersey, Ohio, Connecticut, and New York, and many other States, and they earn wages that they never could have made under that Hungarian flag. Hungary boasts of free press and free speech, and yet Slovak journalists are immured in jails every now and then for defending their

people against Government oppression. Was ever a Slovak newspaper writer sent to prison in the United States for similar reasons? Hungary points with pride to her Parliament in Budapest, and yet the Government has seen fit to close the door of that Parliament to 300,000 of Šlovaks till 1902 by manipulations that every lover of freedom would be bound to condemn. Slovaks may speak their mother tongue in their adopted country without restraint and hindrance. They may build churches here, found schools, organize political, literary, and benevolent societies, and provide reading printed in the mother tongue for their enlightenment and education. Most of these things they may not do in their old home, under the very flag which they now send us to revere.

Once more I enter my protest on behalf of my fellow-countrymen against paying homage to this foreign flag. It is un-American. It is disloyal."

I am, etc.,

Mr. Hale to Mr. Hay.

A. S. AMBROSE.

No. 32.]

UNITED STATES EMBASSY,
Vienna, November 4, 1902.

SIR: Referring to the Department's No. 63 of November 3, 1902, inclosing copy of a letter from Anthony S. Ambrose, esq., supreme president of the National Slavonic Society of the United States of America, alleging that a delegation of Magyars was then on their way to the United States with a costly Hungarian national banner, on which are inscribed the words "Be dauntlessly loyal to your fatherland, oh, Magyars!" that this banner was being sent as the gift of the Hungarian National League to Hungarians living in the United States; that the gift was prompted by the Hungarian Government and partly paid for by official representatives of that Government, and that it was intended to carry this banner through the United States, the object sought being to preserve the Hungarian nationality of Magyars living in the United States, and instructing this embassy to say to the Hungarian Government that such a report had reached the Department and to inquire whether such a flag, so inscribed, had in fact been sent to go on a tour through the United States, I have the honor to inform you that in reply to my note of September 17, 1902, presenting as per instructions said inquiries, the Imperial and Royal ministry for foreign affairs informs this embassy that such a flag has in fact been sent on a tour through the United States; that the sum necessary to defray the expenses in connection therewith was subscribed to by all classes of Hungarian society, including Government officials, but that the Hungarian National League, which first started and carried out this idea, has been actuated in so doing by patriotic, and not political, motives, Referring to the motto inscribed upon the flag in question, which words are a quotation, being the first line of the Hungarian national anthem, the Imperial and Royal ministry for foreign affairs contends that said appeal is solely directed to the Hungarians in the United States who are not citizens thereof, but who have retained their allegiance to their native land and that "no blame can be attached to anyone who exhorts his countrymen, even when living in a foreign land, to be faithful to their native home and to cherish it, and who appeals to their patriotism."

For the Department's fuller information I have further the honor to inclose herewith a copy of said reply, together with a translation therof in full. CHANDLER HALE.

I have, etc.,

[Inclosure.-Translation.]

Ministry for foreign affairs to Mr. Hale.

VIENNA, October 31, 1902. In the esteemed note of September 17 last, numbered F. O. 20, the honorable chargé d'affaires ad interim of the United States was pleased to make inquiry, in compliance with instructions received from the State Department at Washington, as to the meaning and purpose of the donation of a Hungarian flag sent by the Hungarian National League to the Hungarian associations in the United States, and a circular tour proposed in connection therewith through the United States.

In reply to inquiries made to this end the Royal Hungarian minister president now reports as follows:

The Hungarian National League which first started the idea of sending such a flag, and which first collected the necessary sum to defray the expenses from all classes of Hungarian society, including Government officials, is a Hungarian association actuated by patriotic motives, without political tendencies.

The impulse in donating a national flag was started by the fact that numerous charitable Hungarian associations, whose principal head office was at Bridgeport, Conn., intended to celebrate the tenth anniversary of their founding in New York. There are no political motives which prompted this donation; it is simply a manifestation of a sentiment of unity and of sympathy which the Hungarian National League desires to convey to their countrymen living in the United States.

The bearer of the flag, Mr. Josef Zseny, is not an official person, but is simply a retired municipal employee who, as a member of the above-mentioned league, has been chosen as a delegate by the latter to present this flag and to convey at the same time the greetings of the league to the Hungarian associations in the United States.

As far as the circular tour is concerned which it is proposed to make with the flag through some of the States of the Union, Mr. Széll observes that the abovementioned league has not given any special directions to the delegates, and that this proposition in all probability emanates from the leading persons at the head of the Hungarian associations in America.

Official as well as newspaper reports at hand agree in saying that the celebrations connected with this donation of the flag passed off with due decorum. The celebrations reached their height at the unveiling of the Kossuth monument in Cleveland, Ohio, at which such distinguished public men as Senator Mark Hanna and Governor Nash took part, which would not have been the case if the unfolding of the flag on the part of the delegation had been construed as a manifestation directed against the United States.

The words to be read on the flag are the first line of the patriotic poem, “Remember, Hungarians, to be faithful to thy native land.”

This quotation shows that the appeal is directed solely to the sons of the country under St. Stefan's Crown and not to the citizens of the United States. No blame can be attached to anyone who exhorts his countrymen, even when living in a foreign land, to be faithful to their native home and to cherish it, and who appeals to their patriotism.

For these reasons the Imperial and Royal Government is at a loss to conceive what motives could actuate the State Department to take such steps. It trusts, however, that the explanation here given will remove any doubts which might have been entertained by the leading authorities of the United States. The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity, etc. For the minister:

MÉREY.

ACCIDENT TO PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT.

The Emperor of Austria to the President.

[Telegram.]

VIENNA, SCHOENBRUNN, September 5, 1902.

I have received the news of your dangerous accident with deep sympathy and express to you, Mr. President, my heartiest congratulations upon your escape from this serious danger to life.

FRANZ JOSEPH,